


m 





wat- 



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Portrait of Columbus, purchased by Spain in 17t>3 from Senor N. Yanez, 
of Granada, and preserved in the National Library at Madrid. 



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The Genesis 



OF 



South Carolina 



1562-1670 



Edited, with an Introduction by 
HON. WM. A. COURTENAY, LL. D. 



"Westward the course of empire takes its way ; 
The four first acts already past, 
A fifth shall close the drama with the day ; 
Time's noblest offspring is the last." 



PRIVATELY PRINTED BT 

THE STATE COMPANY, 

Columbia, S. C. 

1907. 



CONTENTS 

PAGE 

Introduction vii 

1562 — Admiral Gaspard de Coligny's colony of 
French Protestants at Port Koyal, 
South Carolina. — The fleet under the 
command of Captain Jean Ribault; an 
account of this early settlement, its 
subsequent abandonment, and the fate 
of the small remnant left behind, the 
attempt to reach Prance in an open 
boat, their sufferings and tragedy . .xvi-xlvii 

1630 — Charles I. of England encouraged and 
aided a colony of French Protestants to 
embark for Carolana, but by the igno- 
rance or treachery of the captain of the 
vessel the voyage miscarried and the 
colony was landed in Virginia; being 
unexpected, they suffered many priva- 
tions and endured some suffering; the 
owners of the vessel were held respon- 
sible and paid heavy penalties for the 
failure xlviii-lix 

1663 — Captain Hilton made a voyage from Bar- 
badoes, under English influences there, 
having in view the intended purpose in 
England to make a permanent settle- 
ment in Carolina; the coast was care- 
fully observed from Cape Fear to Port 
Royal 1-40 



IV 



PAGE 



1666 — A similar voyage was undertaken this 
year by Captain Sandford, and new 
observations made, looking to the per- 
manent occupation of Carolina .... 41-84 

1669-'70 — A permanent colony, in three ships, 
sailed from England via Kingsale, Ire- 
land, thence for Barbadoes, and after 
serious adverse experiences the colony 
finally located on the west side of Ash- 
ley River, west of the present city of 

Charleston 85-129 

In the same year, under the encourage- 
ment of Governor Talbot of Maryland, 
John Lederer undertook an overland 
journey from James River, Virginia, to 
Carolina, and reported his experiences 
to Governor Talbot, who caused the re- 
port to be printed. It was claimed 
that Lederer penetrated as far as the 
Saluda River in South Carolina, but in 
recent years Lederer's accounts of his 
explorations and discoveries have been 
shown to have been mythical 131-177 



ILLUSTRATIONS 

J 1. Frontispiece — the Yanez Portrait of Colum- 
bus. 
J 2. Euins of Uxmal, Yucatan, copied from "Les 

Anciennes Villes du Nouveau Monde". . . xii 
/ 3. Memorial of Gaspard de Coligny, in the wall 
of L'Eglise d'Oratoire, Paris, erected by 
popular subscription in France, three cen- 
turies after his death xvi 

v 4. Port Koyal map, showing Charles Fort, built 

by Ribault colony xxxii 

-i 5. Hilton's map of the coast of N. and S. Caro- 
lina 4 

v 6. Great Seal of the Lords Proprietors 84 

< 7. Portrait of Lord Ashley, Earl of Shaftesbury 92 
J 8. Portrait of John Locke, the philosopher, 
author of the Fundamental Constitutions 

of Carolina 108 

/ 9. Culpeper's map of Charles Town, 1672 ... 124 

1 10. Map of Carolina, published in 1672 128 

y 11. John Lederer's map 134 

•t 12. Map showing growth of the province, 1711 . . 178 




INTRODUCTION 



"There shall come a time in later ages, when ocean shall 
relax his chains and a vast continent appear, and a pilot 
shall find new worlds and Thule shall be no more earth's 
bounds." 



The art of navigation is as old as civilization, and the 
practice of it must have begun when bartering com- 
menced. Its early development in European waters 
was in the eastern part of the Mediterranean, with open 
boats, such as Homer mentioned. Vessels of this char- 
acter could not make a commercial nation like that 
which throve in Phoenicia. Therefore we find that her 
ships were large and that they used both sails and oars. 
More than three thousand years ago the sailors of this 
little state had passed out of the Mediterranean, had 
founded Cadiz, and were trafficking along the Atlantic 
shores of Europe and Africa. 

The maritime spirit of the Phoenicians descended 
upon the Carthagenians, the Italians, and the Portu- 
guese. The last named began that golden age of geo- 
graphical discovery which characterized the fifteenth 
century. 



VIII 



Columbus was an efficient seaman and also a religious 
enthusiast — a rare combination. In his correspondence 
with Toscanelli, in 1474, is the first mention of his 
decision to seek the Indies by sailing west. Three years 
afterward he visited the northern regions, Iceland prob- 
ably, where he must have found the tradition of western 
discoveries, although the secret of the Sagas was not 
published until the last half of the sixteenth century. 
Whatever he learned there had no influence upon his 
previous resolution. He did not propose to hunt after 
the lands which the Norsemen had discarded. His pur- 
pose was to open a way, by water, to the rich and 
populous countries spoken of by Marco Polo, for this 
was linked in his mind with the propagation of the 
Christian faith and the rescue of the Holy Sepulchre 
from the Infidels. 

In his first log across the Atlantic, he likened the 
weather to that of Andalusia in April. It lacked noth- 
ing, he said, except the songs of the nightingales. Such 
it has been, where he crossed, for aeons of time. On this 
route the vessels of the Crusaders might have gone to 
America in the twelfth century with less peril than they 
went from England to Joppa then. 

The unfolding of physical laws has dissipated the 
artificial terrors of the ocean ; but in the time of Colum- 
bus superstition and ignorance brooded there, making 
it truly a "sea of darkness," which the imagination only 
had pierced. 

The world is not indebted to the wisdom of the learned 
for the eventful voyage that opened the oceans to com- 
merce, and continents to trade and settlement. To Co- 
lumbus belongs this inestimable boon. He inspired the 
wise and good Queen Isabella equally with the humble 
sailors of Palos to put their trust in his scheme. He 
was as persistent in maintaining it through the rebuffs 



EX 



of eighteen years as he was steadfast in holding to his 
predetermined course across the Atlantic. 

The landfall of Columbus on the 12th of October, 
1492, is universally recognized as the grandest event in 
secular history. It opened the door to influences, infi- 
nite in extent and beneficence: measure them, describe 
them, picture them you cannot. 

The first land seen was one of the Bahama Islands, 
far east of the peninsula of Florida, and on the same 
day as the discovery, he made his formal landing, which 
is thus described in Las Casas' narrative, made from 
Columbus' log of the first voyage: 

The Admiral took the Royal standard and the captains 
with two banners of the Green Cross, which the Admiral 
carried on all the ships as a distinguishing flag having an 
F and a Y; each letter surmounted by its crown, one at one 
arm of the cross, and the other at the other arm. As soon 
as they had landed they saw trees of a brilliant green, abun- 
dance of water, and fruits of various kinds. The Admiral 
called the two captains and the rest who had come on shore, 
and Rodrigo Descovedo, the Notary of all the fleet, and Ro- 
drigo Sanchez de Segovia, and he called them as witnesses 
to certify that he in presence of them all, was taking, as he 
in fact took possession of said island for the King and 
Queen his masters, making the declarations that were re- 
quired as they will be found more fully in the attestations 
then taken down in writing. Soon after a large crowd of 
natives congregated there. What follows are the Admiral's 
own words in his book on the first voyage and discovery of 
these Indies: 

"In order to win the friendship and affection of that 
people, and because I was convinced that their conversion 
to our Holy Faith would be better promoted through love, 
than through force ; I presented some of them with red caps 
and some strings of glass beads which they placed around 
their necks, and with other trifles of insignificant worth that 
delighted them and by which we have got a wonderful hold 
on their affections. They afterwards came to the boats of 
the vessels swimming, bringing us parrots, cotton thread in 



balls and cloth, spears, and many other things which they 
bartered for others we gave them, as glass beads and little 
bells. Finally they received every thing and gave whatever 
they had with good will." ****** "Their hair is as 
coarse as the hair of a horse's tail and cut short; they wear 
their hair over their eye brows except a little behind which 
they wear long, and which they never cut; some of them 
paint themselves black, and they are of the color of the 
Canary islanders, neither black nor white, and some paint 
themselves white, and some red, and some with whatever 
they find, and some paint their faces, and some the whole 
body, and some their eyes only, and some their noses only. 
They do not carry arms and have no knowledge of them, 
for when I showed them the swords they took them by the 
edge, and through ignorance, cut themselves. They have no 
iron ; their spears consist of staffs without iron, some of them 
having a fish's tooth at the end, and others, other things. 
As a body they are of good size, good demeanor, and well 
formed; I saw some with scars on their bodies, and to my 
signs asking them what these meant, they answered in the 
same manner, that people from neighboring islands wanted 
to capture them, and they had defended themselves." 

In this exchange of gifts, we find "balls of cotton 
yarn and cotton cloth" among the articles. The cotton 
plant has been indigenous, in all inter-tropical regions, 
from the earliest times. It was also recognized by the 
discoverer, the raw material and the product being 
present on the island. But whence came the knowledge 
of spinning and weaving? Since first reading of this 
incident, many years ago, that landfall has been im- 
pressed upon my thoughts for that incident, and I have 
lingered over it many times as a mysterious physical 
fact, to be only traced from pre-historic times, in the 
far eastern quarter of the world, down to this island 
in the western quarter of the Atlantic Ocean. Centu- 
ries before the Christian Era we know of cotton cloths. 
Mention of them is made more than once in the Old 
Testament. In the book of Esther, i:6, we find this 



XI 



record, 486 years B. C. : "Where were white, green, and 
blue hangings," used for decoration on a festive occa- 
sion at the king's palace. This textile-art was in great 
perfection in India, at so early a date as five hundred 
years before the Christian Era; thence, it passed to 
Assyria and Egypt; yet it was not until the thirteenth 
century that the plant was cultivated in Southern Eu- 
rope. The manufacture of it into cloth, in imitation of 
the fabrics of India and Egypt, was first attempted 
in Italy in that century, from whence it passed into 
the low countries and into Western Europe. The fact 
remains, however, that it did not cross the Atlantic 
Ocean to the Bahamas; its presence on this continent 
must be otherwise sought for. 

Mr. Weise, in his interesting volume,* has these two 
paragraphs for his opening chapter, which may point 
the way to a solution of this problem of the aborigines, 
discovered on one of the most eastern islands in the 
western section of the Atlantic Ocean, and having the 
knowledge of making yarn and cotton cloth: 

The oldest scriptures, sacred and profane, attest the anti- 
quity of the red race. As early as the antediluvian period 
this division of the human family had taken possession of 
the islands and continent of the western hemisphere, where 
it founded an empire, the most famous and formidable of 
primeval times. Great in political power, its commercial, 
agricultural, and other economical interests were commen- 
surably vast and unparalleled. The skill of its architects 
and engineers was exhibited in large and imposing edifices 
and in extraordinary and extensive public works. Aggres- 
sively belligerent, its armies overran parts of Asia and 
Africa, exacting tribute, deposing and substituting rulers. 

When the Spaniards, in the sixteenth century, began to 
explore the interior of the continent of America for gold, 
silver, and precious stones, they found populated provinces, 

*The Discoveries of America to the Year 1525. By Arthur James Welse. 
M. A. (Putnam, 1884.) 



XII 



great cities, temples, palaces, aqueducts, canals, bridges, and 
causeways. The astonished adventurers also discovered the 
vestiges of an aboriginal people, among which were many 
massive tablets of stone covered with columns of strange 
hieroglyphics and antique images, picturing a past civiliza- 
tion for the rise and growth of which modern archaeologists 
have not yet satisfactorily determined dates. 

In the twelfth volume of Memoirs of the Historical 
Society of Pennsylvania (Philadelphia, 1881) we have 
an intensely interesting narrative in "Heekewelder's 
History, Manners and Customs of the Indian Nations". 
I would call especial attention to the tradition among 
the aborigines, of implicitly believing, that they had 
many hundreds of years before, come from the north- 
west of the continent to the eastward, crossing great 
rivers on their long journey. 

Apparently in confirmation of Mr. Weise's opinion, 
we have a History of Ancient America, Anterior to the 
Time of Columbus, by Rev. George Jones, M. R. S. ; 
F. S. V. — a very curious publication, in which he calls 
attention to the wonderful architectural ruins in Mexico 
and Yucatan as existing physical facts, which have been 
written of by Stephens in his interesting work, pub- 
lished in two volumes in the first half of the last cen- 
tury. In this well-known publication, reference is made 
to the colossal ruins, still standing, at Copan, Palanque, 
in Mexico and at Uxmal, Yucatan, where they can be 
seen today. Here is a descriptive narrative of the size 
of the ruins at Uxmal : 

DIMENSIONS OF THE TEMPLE OF UXMAL, YUCATAN. 
The site covering nine acres of land. 

First Terrace: 640 feet long on each of the four sides, 5 
feet high, steps in center on the several sides. 

First Platform: 20 feet broad. 

Second Terrace: 600 feet on each of the sides, 15 feet 
high, steps also in centre. 



XIII 



Second Platform: 205 feet to base of third terrace. 

Third Terrace : 400 feet at base ; 35 steps, six inches tread ; 
entire depth 110 feet. 

Third Platform: 30 feet, to the front of the temple; all 
of the terraces are cased with cut stone. 

Facade of Temple : 320 feet ; walls to first cornice 25 feet 
high. 

Three Doorways, centre, 8 feet 6 inches wide, 8 feet 10 
inches high; two lateral doorways the same height as the 
centre, and 6 feet 6 inches wide. 

Colonnade, or Second Platform, composed of 230 circular 
columns, each 12 feet high, and 18 inches in diameter; in 
two rows; the columns 10 feet apart. 

The Single Altar-Column: 6 feet in diameter, and 60 feet 
high, in centre of area. 

Base of First Terrace: 2,560 feet. 

Sculptured Walls of the Temple: 40,960 superficial feet. 

The Three Artificial Terraces contain 72,800 cubit feet. 

Certainly a highly cultivated people must have de- 
signed and built this immense structure. Rev. Mr. 
Jones sees in these ruins the architecture of Egypt and 
the Nile, while Mr. Stephens writes that "they are dif- 
ferent from the works of any other known people, — of 
a new order, and entirely and absolutely anomalous, 
they stand alone." I present herewith an accurate pic- 
ture of the ruins at Uxmal as recently seen. 

This lengthy digression, in a rather wide field of con- 
jecture and speculation, has only now brought forth 
another people who knew how to spin and weave. Wheu 
the Spaniards invaded and conquered Mexico, they 
revealed a government and people who had occupied 
that country for long years, dynasty after dynasty. 
Prescott says on one occasion as they (Cortes' army) 
approached an Aztec city, they saw abundant signs of 
cultivation, in the trim gardens and orchards, that lined 
both sides of the road. They were met by parties of 
the natives of either sex, the women, as well as men, 



XIV 



bearing bunches and wreaths of flowers, with which 
they decorated the neck of the General's charger, and 
hung a chaplet of roses about his helmet; flowers were 
the delight of these people. Many of the women ap- 
peared, from their richer dress and numerous attend; 
ants, to be persons of rank. They were clad in robes 
of fine cotton, curiously colored, which reached from 
the neck to the ankles, the men wore a sort of mantle 
of the same rich material, "a la Morisca," in the Moor- 
ish fashion, over their shoulders, and belts and sashes 
about their loins. Both sexes had jewels and orna- 
ments of gold around their necks, while their ears and 
nostrils were perforated with rings of the same metal. 
Montezuma sent to the king and queen of Spain gen- 
erous gifts of these fine cottons, and mantles of feather- 
work, the delicate and rich-colored dyes of which might 
readily vie with the most beautiful paintings. When 
opened and exhibited at the court of Spain, nothing like 
such curious and elegant fabrics had ever before been 
seen in Europe, and were looked on with wonder and 
admiration; of course, all made by hand, and briefly 
described in the poet's apt lines: 

"Whose texture e'en the search of gods deceives; 
Fine as the filmy web the spider weaves." 

In the beginning, the question was asked, where did 
the red man at the landfall learn how to spin and 
weave; at the end the inquiry is reneAved, and there is 
no intelligent reply. It can only be conjectured that 
the far eastern art has been orally communicated from 
generation to generation, and so has circled the globe. 

Amid all the continuous disappointments, running 
through nearly two decades, there was daily preserved 
in the marvellous life of Columbus two prominent 
thoughts : 



XV 



First, the fixed belief in the existence of lands and 
populations to the westward. 

Second, the steady aim and purpose to spread Chris- 
tianity among these, to be, newly-discovered peoples. 

The landfall of Columbus on the 12th of October, 
1492, realized in a wide degree his first aspiration of 
lands and population. But the religion in which he had 
been born and reared was unknown among these newly- 
found peoples. 

Nearly fifteen centuries after Christ, and His, then 
newly established, Church, these recently-found peoples 
had as yet not heard. 

The stately and imposing temples in which these 
peoples assembled for worship were utilized for other 
religious forms and ceremonies. 




Columbia, S. C, 1907. 



~y\e.r\<C (x o va \ a\n e 1 * Lav, <i &nr\ Vex* 

NARRATIVE 



OF 



Ribault's Whole and True Discovery of 
Terra Florida, 

As far North as 36 Degrees, and the Founding 

of the First Settlement of French 

Protestants in America, 

1562. 



My Lord Admiral of Chastillon, a noble man more 
desirous of the public than of his private benefit, under- 
standing the pleasure of the King his prince, which was 
to discover new and strange countries, caused vessels 
fit for this purpose to be made ready with all diligence, 
and men to be levied meet for such an enterprise. 
Among whom he chose Captain John Kibault, a man in 
truth expert in sea causes; which having received his 
charge, set himself to sea the year 1562, the eighteenth 
of February, accompanied only with two of the king's 
ships, but so well furnished with gentlemen (of whose 
number I myself was one) and with old soldiers, that 
he had means to achieve some notable thing and worthy 
of eternal memory. Having therefore sailed two months, 
never holding the usual course of the Spaniards, he 
arrived in Florida, landing near a cape or promontory, 
which is no high land, because the coast is all flat, but 
only rising by reason of the high woods, which at his 
arrival he called Cape Francois in honor of our France. 



"j'OUBLIERAI BIEN VOLONTIERS TOUTES CHOSES QUI. NE TOUCHERONT QUE MON PARTICULIER, SOIT D'lNJURES OU 
D'OUTRAGES, POURVU QU'EN CE QUI TOUCHE LA GLOIRE 1)E D1EU ET LE REPOS DU PUBLIC, IL Y PU1SSE AVOIR SURETE 




Gaspard de Coligny 



MEMORIAL ERECTED IN THE WALL OF THE CHURCH. LORATOIRE. PARIS. 



XVII 



This cape is distant from the equator about thirty de- 
grees. Coasting from this place towards the north, he 
discovered a very fair and great river, which gave him 
occasion to cast anchor that he might search the same the 
next day very early in the morning; which being done 
by the break of day, accompanied with Captain Fiquin- 
ville and divers other soldiers of his ship, he was no 
sooner arrived on the brink of the shore, but straight 
he perceived many Indians, men and women, who came 
of purpose to that place to receive the Frenchmen with 
all gentleness and amity, as they well declared by the 
oration which their king made, and the presents of 
chamois skins wherewith he honored our captain, which 
the day following caused a pillar of hard stone to be 
planted within the said river, and not far from the 
mouth of the same upon a little sandy cape, on which 
pillar the arms of France were carved and engraved. 
This being done he embarked himself again, to the en I 
always to discover the coast toward the north which 
was his chief desire. After he had sailed a certain time 
he crossed over to the other side of the river, and then 
in the presence of certain Indians, which of purpose did 
attend him, he commanded his men to make their 
prayers, to give thanks to God, for that of His grace he 
had conducted the French nation into these strange places 
without any danger at all. The prayers being ended, 
the Indians, which were very attentive to hearken unto 
them, thinking, in my judgment, that we worshipped the 
sun, because we always had our eyes lifted up toward 
heaven, rose all up and came to salute the Captain John 
Kibault, promising to show him their king, which rose 
not up as they did, but remained still sitting upon green 
leaves of bay and palm trees ; toward whom the captain 
went and sat down by him, and heard him make a long 
discourse, but with no great pleasure, because he could 
not understand his language, and much less his mean- 



XVIII 

ing. The king gave our captain at his departure a 
plume or fan of hernshawes feathers, dyed in red, and 
a basket made of palm boughs after the Indian fashion, 
and wrought very artificially, and a great skin painted 
and drawn throughout with the pictures of divers wild 
beasts so lovely drawn and portrayed that nothing 
lacked but life. The captain to show himself not un- 
thankful, gave him pretty tin bracelets, a cutting hook, 
a looking glass, and certain knives ; whereupon the king 
showed himself to be very glad and fully contented. 
Having spent the most part of the day with these 
Indians, the captain embarked himself to pass over to 
the other side of the river, of which the king seemed to 
be very sorry. Nevertheless not being able to stay us, 
he commanded that with all diligence they should take 
fish for us; which they did with all speed. For being 
entered into their wares or inclosures made of reeds and 
framed in the fashion of a labyrinth or masse, they 
loaded us with trouts, great mullets, plaise, turbuts, and 
marvelous stores of other sorts of fish altogether dif- 
ferent from ours. 

This done, we entered into our boats and went toward 
the other shore. But before we came to the shore, we 
Avere saluted with a number of other Indians, which, 
entering into the water to their armpits, brought us 
many little baskets full of maize, and goodly mulberries, 
both red and white. Others offered themselves to bear 
us on shore, where being landed we perceived their king 
sitting upon a place dressed with boughs, and under a 
little arbor of cedars and bay trees somewhat distant 
from the water side. He was accompanied with two of 
his sons who were exceedingly fair and strong, and with 
a troop of Indians who had all their bows and arrows in 
marvelous good order. His two sons received our cap- 
tain very graciously; but the king, their father, repre- 
senting I wot not what kind of gravity, did nothing but 



XIX 



shake his head a little. Then the captain went forward 
to salute him, and without any other moving of himself 
he retained so constant a kind of gravity, that he made 
it seem unto us that by good and lawful right he bore 
the title of a king. Our captain knowing not what to 
judge of this man's behavior, thought he was jealous 
because we went first unto the other king, or else that 
he was not well pleased with the pillar or column which 
he had planted. While thus he knew not what hereof 
to think, our captain showed him by signs, that he had 
come from a far country to seek him, to let him under- 
stand the amity which he was desirous to have with 
him; for the better confirmation whereof, he drew out 
of a budget certain trifles, as certain bracelets covered 
as it were with silver and gilt, which he presented him 
with all, and gave his sons certain other trifles. Where- 
upon the king began very lovingly to entreat our cap- 
tain and us. And after these gentle entertainments we 
went ourselves into the woods, hoping here to discover 
some singularities ; where were great stores of mulberry \ 
trees, white and red, on the tops whereof there were 
infinite numbers of silk worms. Following our way we 
discovered a fair and great meadow, divided notwith- 
standing with divers marshes which constrained us by 
reason of the water which environed it about, to return 
back again toward the river side. Finding not the king 
there, who had by this time gone home to his house, we 
entered into our boats and sailed toward our ships; 
where, after we arrived, we called this river the river of 
May, because we discovered it the first day of the said 
month. 

Soon after we returned to our ships, we weighed our 
anchors and hoisted our sails to discover the coast far- 
ther forward, along which we discovered another fair 
river, which the captain himself was minded to search 
out, and having searched it out with the king and the 



XX 



inhabitants thereof, he named it Seine, because it is very 
like the river of Seine in Prance. From this river we 
retired toward our ships, where, after arriving, we 
trimmed our sails to sail further toward the north, and 
to descry the singularities of the coast. But we had not 
sailed any great way before we discovered another very 
fair river, which caused us to cast anchor over against 
it, and to trim out two boats to go to search it out. We 
found there an isle and a king no less affable than the 
rest; afterwards we named this river Somme. From 
thence we sailed about six leagues, after we discovered 
another river, which, after we had viewed, was named 
by us by the name of Loyre. And consequently we 
there discovered five others ; whereof the first was named 
Charente, the second Garonne, the third Gironde, the 
fourth Belle, the fifth Grande; which being very well 
discovered with such things as were in them, by this 
time in less than the space of three score leagues we had 
found out many singularities along nine rivers. Never- 
theless not fully satisfied we sailed yet further toward 
the north, following the course that might bring us to 
the river of Jordan, one of the fairest rivers of the north, 
and holding our wanted course, great fogs and tempests 
came upon us, Avhich constrained us to leave the coast 
to bear toward the main sea, which was the cause that 
we lost sight of our Pinnesses a whole day and a night 
until the next day in the morning, which time, the 
weather waxing fair and the sea being calm, we dis- 
covered a river which we called Belle a voir. After we 
had sailed three or four leagues, we began to espy our 
Pinnesses, which came straight toward us, and at their 
arrival they reported to the captain that while the fogs 
and wild weather endured they harbored themselves in 
a mighty river, which in bigness and beauty exceeded 
the former; wherewithall the captain was exceedingly 
joyful, for his chief desire was to find out a haven to 



XXI 



harbor his ships, and there to refresh ourselves for a 
while. Thus making thitherward we arrived athwart 
the said river, (which because of the fairness and large- 
ness thereof we named Port Royal) we stroke our sails 
and cast anchor at ten fathoms of water; for the depth 
is such, namely when the sea beginneth to flow, that the 
greatest ships of France, yea, the Arguzes of Venice may 
enter in there. Having cast anchor, the captain with 
his soldiers went on shore, and he himself went first on 
land ; where we found the place as pleasant as was pos- 
sible, for it was all covered over with mighty high oaks 
and infinite store of cedars, and with Lentiskes growing 
underneath them, smelling so sweetly, that the very fra- 
grant odor only made the place to seem exceedingly 
pleasant. As we passed through these woods we saw- 
nothing but turkeycocks flying in the forests, partridges, 
gray and red, little different from ours, but chiefly in 
bigness. We heard also within the woods the voices of 
stags, bears, lusernes, leopards, and divers other sorts 
of beasts, unknown to us. Being delighted with this 
place, we set ourselves to fishing with nets, and we 
caught such a number of fish, that it was wonderful. 
And among others, we took a certain kind of fish which 
we called salicoques, which were no less than creuises, 
so that two draughts of the net was sufficient to feed all 
the companies of our two ships for a whole day. The 
river at the mouth thereof from cape to cape is no less 
than three French leagues broad; it is divided into two 
great arms whereof the one runneth towards the west, 
the other towards the north. And I believe in my judg- 
ment that the arm that stretches toward the north run- 
neth up into the country as far as the river Jordan, the 
other arm runneth into the sea, as it was known and 
understood by those of our company, which were left 
behind to dwell in this place. These two arms are two 
great leagues broad; and in the middle of them is an 



XXII 



isle, which pointed towards the opening of the great 
river, in which island there are infinite numbers of all 
sorts of strange beasts. There are Simples growing 
there of so rare properties, and in such great quantities, 
that it is an excellent thing to behold them. On every 
side there is nothing to be seen but palm trees, and other 
sorts of trees bearing blossoms and fruit of very rare 
shape and very good smell. But seeing the evening ap- 
proach, and that the captain determined to return unto 
the ships, we prayed him to suffer us to pass the night 
in this place. In our absence the pilots and chief mari- 
ners advised the captain that it was needful to bring 
the ships further up within the river, to avoid the dan- 
gers of the winds which might annoy us, by reason of 
our being so near to the mouth of the river; and for this 
cause the captain sent for us. Being come to our ships, 
we sailed three leagues up within the river, and there 
we cast anchor. A little while after, John Ribault ac- 
companied with a good number of soldiers embarked 
himself, desirous to sail further up into the arm that 
runneth toward the west, and to search the commodities 
of the place. Having sailed twelve leagues at the least, 
we perceived a troop of Indians who, as soon as they 
espied the Pinnesses, they were so afraid that they fled 
into the woods leaving behind them a young lucerne 
which they were turning upon a spit; for which the 
place was called Cape Lucerne. Proceeding forth on 
our way, we found another arm of the river, which ran 
toward the east, up which the captain determined to 
sail and to leave the great current. A little while after 
they began to espy divers other Indians both men and 
women half hidden within the woods ; who knowing not 
that we were such as desired their friendship, were dis- 
mayed at the first, but soon after were emboldened, for 
the captain caused store of merchandise to be showed 
to them openly whereby they knew that we meant noth- 



XXIII 

ing but well unto them ; and then they made a sign that 
he should come on land, which we would not refuse. 
At our coming on shore divers of them came to salute 
our general according to their barbarous fashion. Some 
of them gave him skins of chamois, others little baskets 
made of palm leaves, some presented him with pearls, 
but no great number. Afterwards they went about to 
make an arbor to defend us in that place from the 
parching heat of the sun. But we would not stay as 
then. Wherefore the captain thanked them much for 
their good will, and gave presents to each of them; 
wherewith he pleased them so well before he went 
thence, that his sudden departure was nothing pleasant 
unto them. For knowing him to be so liberal, they 
would have wished him to have stayed a little longer, 
seeking by all means to give him occasion to stay, show- 
ing him by signs that he should stay but that day only, 
and that they desired to advertise a great Indian Lord 
who had pearls in great abundance, and silver also, all 
of which things should be given unto him at the king's 
arrival ; saying further that in the meantime while that 
this great Lord came thither, they would lead him to 
their houses, and show him there a thousand pleasures 
in shooting, and seeing the stag killed therefore they 
prayed him not to deny them their request. Notwith- 
standing we returned to our ships, where, after we had 
been but one night, the captain in the morning com- 
manded to put into the Pinnesses a pillar of hard stone 
fashioned like a column, wherein the arms of the king 
of France were engraven, to plant the same in the fairest 
place he could find. This done, we embarked ourselves, 
and sailed three leagues toward the west, where we dis- 
covered a little river up which we sailed so long, that 
in the end we found it returned into the great current, 
and in his return to make a little island separated from 
the firm land where we went on shore ; and by command- 



XXIV 

ment of the captain, because it was exceedingly fair and 
pleasant, there we planted the pillar upon a hillock open 
round about to the view, and environed with a lake half 
a fathom deep of very good and sweet water. In which 
land we saw two stags of exceeding bigness, in respect 
of those which we had seen before, which we might have 
easily killed with our harguebuzes, if the captain had 
not forbidden us, moved with the singular fairness and 
bigness of them. But before our departure we named 
the little river which environed this isle, the River of 
Liborne. Afterward we embarked ourselves to search 
another isle not far distant from the former; wherein, 
after we had gone on land, we found nothing but tall 
cedars, the fairest that were seen in this country. For 
this cause we called it the Isle of Cedars ; so we returned 
into our Pinnesse to go toward our ships. 

A few days afterward John Ribault determined to 
return once again toward the Indians who inhabited 
that arm of the river which runneth toward the west, 
and to carry with him good stores of soldiers. For his 
meaning was to take two Indians of this place to bring 
them into France, as the queen had commanded him. 
With this deliberation again we took our former course 
so far forth, that at the last we came to the self same 
place where at the first we found the Indians, from 
thence we took two Indians by the permission of the 
king, who, thinking that they were more favored than 
the rest, thought themselves very happy to stay with us. 
But these two Indians seeing we made no show at all 
that we would go on land, but rather that we followed 
the middle of the current, began to be somewhat 
offended, and would by force have leaped into the water, 
for they are so good swimmers that immediately they 
would have gotten into the forests. Nevertheless being- 
acquainted with their humor, we watched them nar- 
rowly and sought by all means to appease them ; which 



XXV 



we could not by any means do for that time, though we 
offered them things which they much esteemed, which 
things they disdained to take, and gave back again what- 
soever was given them, thinking that such gifts should 
have altogether bound them, and that restoring them 
they should be restored unto their liberty. In fine, per- 
ceiving that all that they did availed them nothing, they 
prayed us to give them those things which they had 
restored, which we did incontinent; then they ap- 
proached one toward the other and began to sing, agree- 
ing so sweetly together, that in hearing their song it 
seemed that they lamented the absence of their friends. 
They continued their songs all night without ceasing; 
all of which time we were constrained to lie at anchor 
by reason of the tide that was against us, but we hoisted 
sail the next day very early in the morning, and returned 
to our ships. As soon as we were come to our ships, 
every one sought to gratify these two Indians, and to 
show them the best countenance that was possible; to 
the intent that by such courtesies they might perceive 
the good desire and affection which we had to remain 
their friends in time to come. Then we offered them 
meat to eat, but they refused it, and made us understand 
that they were accustomed to wash their face and to 
stay until the sun were set before they did eat, which 
is a ceremony common to all the Indians of New France. 
Nevertheless in the end they were constrained to forget 
their superstitions, and to apply themselves to our 
nature, which was somewhat strange to them at first. 
They became therefore more , every hour made us 

1,000 discourses, being marvelously sorry that we could 
not understand them. A few days after they began to 
bear so good will towards me, that, as I think, they 
would rather have perished with hunger and thirst, than 
have taken their refection at any man's hand but mine. 
Seeing this their good will, I sought to learn some 



XXVI 

Indian words, and began to ask them questions, show- 
ing them the thing whereof I desired to know the name, 
how they called it. They were very glad to tell it to 
me, and knowing the desire that I had to learn their 
language, they encouraged me afterwards to ask them 
every thing. So that putting down in writing the words 
and phrases of the Indian speech, I was able to under- 
stand the greatest part of their discourses. Every day 
they did nothing but speak unto me of the desire that 
they had to use me well, if we returned unto their 
houses, and cause me to receive all the pleasures that 
they could devise, as well in hunting as in seeing their 
very strange and superstitious ceremonies at a certain 
feast which they call Toya. Which feast they observe 
as straightly as we observe the Sunday. They gave me 
to understand that they would bring me to see the 
greatest Lord of this country who they called Chiquola, 
who exceeded them in height (as they told me) a good 
foot and a half. They said unto me that he dwelt within 
the land in a very large place and inclosed exceedingly 
high, but I could not learn wherewith. And as far as 
I can judge, this place whereof they spoke unto me, was 
a very fair city. For they said unto me that within the 
inclosure there was great store of houses which were 
built very high, wherein there was an infinite number 
of men like unto themselves, which made no account of 
gold, of silver, nor of pearls, seeing they had thereof in 
abundance. I began then to show them all the parts of 
heaven, to the intent to learn in which quarter they 
dwelt. And straightway one of them stretching out his 
hand showed me that they dwelt toward the north, 
which makes me think that it was the river of Jordan. 
And now I remember that in the reign of the Emperor 
Charles the Fifth, certain Spaniards inhabitants of S. 
Domingo (which made a voyage to get certain slaves to 
work in their mines) stole away by subtlety the inhab- 



XXVII 

itants of this river, to the number of 40, thinking to 
carry them into their New Spain. But they lost their 
labor ; for in despite they died all for hunger, saving one 
that was brought to the emperor, which a little while 
after he caused to be baptized, and gave him his own 
name and called him Charles of Ohiquola, because he 
spoke so much of this Lord of Chiquola whose subject 
he was. Also, he reported continually, that Chiquola 
made his abode within a very great inclosed city. Be- 
sides this proof, those which were left in the first voyage 
have certified me, that the Indians showed them by evi- 
dent signs, that farther within the land toward the 
north, there was a great inclosure or city, where Chi- 
quola dwelt. After they had stayed a while in our ships, 
they began to be sorry, and still demanded of me when 
they should return. I made them understand that the 
captain's will was to send them home again, but that 
first he would bestow apparel of them, which few days 
after was delivered unto them. But seeing he would not 
give them license to depart, they resolved with them- 
selves to steal away by night, and to get a little boat 
which he had, and by the help of the tide to sail home 
toward their dwellings, and by this means to save them- 
selves. Which thing they failed not to do, and put their 
enterprise in execution, yet leaving behind them the 
apparel which the captain had given them, and carrying 
away nothing but that which was their own, showing 
well hereby that they were not void of reason. The 
captain cared not greatly for their departure, consider- 
ing they had not been used otherwise than well; and 
that therefore they would not estrange themselves from 
the Frenchmen, Captain Ribault therefore knowing 
the singular fairness of this river, desired by all means 
to encourage some of his men to dwell there, well fore- 
seeing that this thing might be of great importance for 
the king's service, and the relief of the commonwealth 



XXVIII 

of France. Therefore proceeding on with this intent he 
commanded the anchors to be weighed and to set things 
in order to return unto the opening of the river, to the 
end that if the wind came fair he might pass out to 
accomplish the rest of his meaning. When therefore 
we were come to the mouth of the river, he made them 
cast anchor, whereupon we stayed without discovering 
anything all the rest of the day. The next day he com- 
manded that all the men of his ship should come up 
upon the deck, saying that he had somewhat to say unto 
them. They all came up, and immediately the captain 
began to speak unto them in this manner: 

I think there is none of you that are ignorant of how 
great consequence this our enterprise is, and how ac- 
ceptable it is unto our young king. Therefore, my 
friends, (as one desiring your honor and benefit), I 
would not fail to advise you all of the exceeding good 
happiness which should fall to them, which, as men of 
value and worthy courage, would make trial in this our 
first discovery of the benefits and commodities of this 
new land; which should be, as I assure myself, the 
greatest occasion that ever could happen unto them, to 
arise unto the title and degree of honor. And for this 
cause I was desirous to propose unto you and set down 
before your eyes the eternal memory which of right they 
deserve, which forgetting both their parents and their 
country have had the courage to enterprise a thing of 
such importance which even kings themselves under- 
standing to be men aspiring to so high degree magna- 
nimity and increase of their majesties, do not disdain 
so well to regard, that afterwards employing them in 
matters of weight and of high enterprise, they make 
their names immortal forever. Howbeit, I would not 
have you persuade yourselves, as many do, that you shall 
never have such good fortune as not being known either 
to the king nor to the princes of the realm, and besides 



XXIX 

descending of so poor a stock, that few or none of your 
parents, having ever made profession of arms, have been 
known unto the great estates. For albeit that from mv 
tender years I myself have applied all my industry to 
follow them, and have hazarded my life in so many dan- 
gers for the service of my prince, yet could I never 
attain thereunto (not that I did not deserve this title 
and degree of government) as I have seen it happen to 
many others, only because they descend of a noble race, 
since more regard is had of their birth than of their 
virtue. For well I know if virtue were regarded there 
would more be found worthy to deserve the title, and 
by good rights be named noble and valiant. I will there- 
fore make sufficient answer to such propositions and 
such things as you may object against me, laying before 
you the infinite examples which we have of the Romans ; 
which concerning the point of honor were the first that 
triumphed over the world. For how many find we 
among them, which for their so valiant enterprises, not 
for the greatness of their parentage, have attained the 
honor to triumph? If we have recourse unto their an- 
cestors, we shall find that their parents were of so mean 
condition, that by laboring with their hands they lived 
very basely. As the father of yElius Pertinax, who was 
a poor artisan, his grandfather likewise was a bond man, 
as the historians do witness; and nevertheless, being 
moved with a valiant courage, he was nothing dismayed 
for all this, but rather desirous to aspire unto high 
things, he began with a brave stomach to learn feats of 
arms, and profited so well therein, that from step to step 
he became at length to be Emperor of the Romans. For 
all this dignity he despised not his parents ; but contra- 
wise and in remembrance of them, he caused his father's 
shop to be covered with a fine wrought marble, to serve 
for an example to men descended of base and poor line- 
ages, to give them occasion to aspire unto high things 



XXX 



notwithstanding the meanness of their ancestors. I 
will not pass over in silence the excellency and prowess 
of the valiant and renowned Agathocles, the son of a 
simple potter, and yet forgetting the contemptible estate 
of his father, he so applied himself to virtue in his tender 
years, that by the favor of arms he came to be king of 
Sicily : and for all this title he refused not to be counted 
the son of a potter. But the more to eternize the mem- 
ory of his parents and to make his name renowned, he 
commanded that he should be served at the table in 
vessels of gold and silver and others of earth : declaring 
therebj' that the dignity wherein he was placed came 
not unto him by his parents, but by his own virtue only. 
If I shall speak of our time, I will lay before you on]y 
Rusten Bassha, which may be sufficient example to all 
men : which though he were the son of a poor herdman, 
did so apply his youth in all virtue, that being brought 
up in the service of the great Turk, he seemed to aspire 
to great and high matters, in such sort that growing in 
years he increased also in courage, so far forth, that in 
fine for his excellent virtues he married the daughter of 
the great Turk his Prince. How much then ought so 
many worthy examples to move you to plant here? Con- 
sidering also that you shall be registered forever as the 
first that inhabited this strange country. I pray you 
therefore all to advise yourselves thereof, and to declare 
your minds freely unto me, protesting that I will so well 
imprint your names in the king's ears, and the other 
princes, that your renown shall herafter shine unquench- 
able through our realm of France. 

He had scarcely ended his oration, but the greatest 
part of our soldiers replied: that a greater pleasure 
could never betide them, perceiving well the acceptable 
service which by this means they should do unto their 
Prince : besides that this thing should be for the increase 
of their honors: therefore they besought the Captain, 



XXXI 

before he departed out of the place, to begin to build 
them a fort, which they hoped afterward to finish, 
and to leave them munition necessary for their de- 
fence, showing as it seemed that they were displeased, 
that it was so long in doing. Whereupon John Kibault, 
being as glad as might be to see his men so well willing, 
determined the next day to search the most fit and con- 
venient place to be inhabited. Wherefore he embarked 
himself very early in the morning and commanded them 
to follow him that were desirous to inhabit there, to the 
intent that they might like the better of the place.' Hav-; 
ing sailed up the great river on the north side, in coast-; 
ing an isle which ended with a sharp point toward the 
mouth of the river, having sailed a while, he discovered 
a small river, which entered into the island, which he 
would not fail to search out. Which done, and finding 
the same deep enough to harbor therein gallies and gal- 
liots in good number, proceeding further, he found a 
very open place, opening upon the brink thereof, where 
he went on land, and seeing the place fit to build a for- 
tress in, and commodious for them that were willing to 
plant there, he resolved incontinent to cause the size of 
the fortification to be measured out. And considering 
that there stayed but six and twenty there, he caused 
the fort to be made in length but sixteen fathoms, and 
thirteen in breadth, with flanks according to the propor- 
tion thereof. The. measure being taken by me and Cap- 
tain Salles, we sent unto the ships for men, and to bring 
shovels, pickaxes and other instruments necessary to 
make the fortification. We travailed so diligently, that 
in a short space the fort was made in some sort defen- 
cible. In which mean time John Kibault caused victuals 
and warlike ammunition to be brought for the defence 
of the place. After he had furnished them with all such 
things as they had need of, he determined to take his 



XXXII 

leave of them. But before his departure he used this 
speech unto Captain Albert, which he left in this place. 
Captain Albert, I have to request you in the presence 
of all these men, that you would acquit yourself so 
wisely in your charge, and govern so modestly your 
small company which I leave you, which with so good 
cheer remaineth under your obedience, that I never have 
occasion but to commend you, and to recount unto the 
king (as I am desirous) the faithful service which be- 
fore us all you undertake to do him in his new France. 
And you, companions, (quoth he to the soldiers), I 
beseech you also to esteem of Captain Albert as if he 
were myself that stayed here with you, yielding him that 
obedience which a true soldier oweth unto his general 
and captain, living as brothers one with another with- 
out all dissention; and in so doing God will assist you 
and bless your enterprises. Having ended his exhorta- 
tion, we took our leave of each of them, and sailed 
toward our ships, calling the fort by the name of Charles 
Fort, and the river by the name of Chenonceau. The 
next day we determined to depart from this place being 
as well contented as was possible that we had so happily 
ended our business, with good hope, if occasion would 
permit, to discover perfectly the river of Jordan. For 
this cause we hoisted our sails about ten o'clock in the 
morning; after we were ready to depart Captain Ribault 
commanded to shoot off our ordinance to give a farewell 
unto our Frenchmen, which failed not to do the like on 
their part. This being done, we sailed toward the north, 
and then we named this river Port Royal, because of the 
largeness and excellent fairness of the same. After that 
we had sailed about fifteen leagues from thence, we 
espied a river, whereupon we sent our Pinesses thither 
to discover it. At their return they brought us word 
that they found not past half a fathom of water in the 
mouth thereof. Which, when we understood, without 



\ 




XXXIII 

doing anything else, we continued on our way, and called 
it the Base or Shallow river. As we still went on sound- 
ing we found not past five or six fathoms of water, 
although we were six good leagues from the shore. At 
length we found not more than three fathoms, which 
gave us occasion greatly to muse. And without making 
any further way we struck our sails, partly because we 
wanted water, and partly because the night approached ; 
during which time Captain John Ribault bethought with 
himself whether it was best for him to pass any further, 
because of the eminent dangers which every hour we 
saw before our eyes, or whether he should content him- 
self with that which he had certainly discovered, and 
also left men to inhabit the country. Being not able 
for that time to resolve with himself, he referred it until 
the next day. The morning having come, he proposed 
to all the company what was best to be done, to the end 
that with good advisement every man might deliver his 
opinion. Some made answers that according to their 
judgment he had occasion fully to content himself, con- 
sidering that he could do no more; laying before his 
eyes, that he had discovered more in six weeks, than the 
Spaniards had done in two years in the conquest of their 
New Spain; and that he should do the king very great 
service, if he did bring him news in so short a time of 
his happy discovery. Others showed unto him the loss 
and spoils of his victuals, and on the other side the in- 
convenience that might happen by the shallow water 
that they found continually along the coast. Which 
things being well and at large debated we resolved to 
leave the coast forsaking the north, to take our way 
towards the east, which is the right way and course to 
our France, where we happily arrived the twentieth day 
of July in the year 1562. 



XXXIV 

THE STATE AND CONDITION OF THOSE WHICH 
WERE LEFT BEHIND IN CHARLES FORT. 



Our men after our departure never rested, but night 
and day did fortify themselves, being in good hope that 
after their fort was finished, they would begin to dis- 
cover farther up in the river. It happened one day, as 
certain of them were cutting of the roots in the groves, 
that they espied on the sudden an Indian that hunted 
the deer, which finding himself so near upon them, was 
much dismayed, but our men began to draw near unto 
him, and to use him so courteously, that he became as- 
sured and followed them to Charles Fort, where every 
man sought to do him pleasure. Captain Albert was 
very joyful of his coming, which, after he had given a 
shirt and some other trifles, he asked him of his dwell- 
ing ; the Indian answered him that it was farther up the 
river, and that he was a vassal of King Audusta ; he also 
showed him with his hand the limits of his habitation. 
After much other talk the Indian desired leave to depart, 
because it drew toward night, which Captain Albert 
granted him very willingly. Certain days after the cap- 
tain determined to sail toward Audusta, where, after 
arriving, by reason of the honest entertainment which 
he had given the Indian, he was so courteously received, 
that the king talked with him of nothing else but of the 
desire which he had to become his friend; giving him 
besides, to understand that he being his friend and ally, 
he should have the amity of four other kings, who in 
might and authority were able to do much for his sake. 
Besides all this, in his necessity they might be able to 
succor him with victuals. One of these kings was called 
Mayon, another Hoya, the third Touppa, and the fourth 
Stalame. He told him moreover, that they would be 
very glad when they should understand the news of his 



XXXV 

coming, and therefore lie prayed him to vouchsafe to 
visit them. The captain willingly consented unto him, 
for the desire that he had to purchase friends in that 
place. Therefore they departed the next morning very 
early, and first arrived at the house of King Touppa, and 
afterwards went into the other king's houses except the 
house of King Stalame. He received of each of them 
all the amiable courtesies that might be; they showed 
themselves to be as affectionate friends unto him as was 
possible, and offered unto him a "thousand small pres- 
ents. After that he remained by the space of certain 
days with these strange kings he determined to take his 
leave; and being come back to the house of Audusta, he 
commanded all his men to go aboard their Pinnesses; 
for he was minded to go toward the country of King 
Stalame, who dwelt toward the north a distance of fif- 
teen great leagues from Charles Fort. Therefore as they 
sailed up the river they entered into a great current, 
which they followed so far till they came at last to the 
house of Stalame; which brought him into his lodging, 
where he sought to make them the best cheer that he 
could devise. He presented immediately unto Captain 
Albert his bow and arrows, which is a sign and con- 
firmation of alliance between them. He presented him 
with chamois skins. The captain seeing that the best 
part of the day was now past, took his leave of King 
Stalame to return to Charles Fort, where he arrived the 
day following. By this time the friendship had grown 
so great between our men and King Audusta, that in a 
manner all things were common between him and them ; 
in such sort that this good Indian king did nothing of 
importance, but he called our men thereunto. For when 
the time drew near for the celebrating their feasts of 
Toya, which are ceremonies most strange to recite, he 
sent ambassadors to our men to request them on his 
behalf to be present. Whereunto they agreed most wil- 



XXXVI 

lingly for the desire that they had to understand what 
this might be. They embarked themselves therefore and 
sailed towards the king's house, which was already come 
forth on the way towards them, to receive them cour- 
teously, to bid them welcome and to bring them to his 
house, where he sought to intreat them the best he 
might. In the meanwhile the Indians prepared them- 
selves to celebrate the feast the morrow after, and the 
king brought them to see the place wherein the feast 
should be kept; where they saw many women round 
about, who labored by all means to make the place clean 
and neat. This place was a great circuit of ground with 
open prospect and round in figure. On the morrow 
therefore early in the morning, all that were chosen to 
celebrate the feast, being painted and trimmed with rich 
feathers of divers colors, put themselves on the way to 
go from the king's house toward the place of Toya; 
whereunto when they had come they set themselves in 
order, and followed three Indians, who in painting and 
gesture, were different from the rest ; each of them bare 
a tabret in their hand, dancing and singing in lament- 
able tune, when they began to enter into the midst of the 
round circuit, being followed by others who answered 
them again. After they had sung, danced, and turned 
three times, they fell on running like unbridled horses, 
through the midst of the thickest woods. And then the 
Indian women continued all the rest of the day in tears 
as sad and woeful as was possible? and in such rage 
they cut the arms of the young girls, which they lanced 
so cruelly with sharp shells of muskles that the blood 
followed which they flung into the eye, crying out three 
times, He Toya. The King Audusta had gathered all 
our men into his house, while the feast was celebrated, 
and was exceedingly offended when he saw them laugh. 
This he did, because the Indians are very angry when 
they are seen in their ceremonies. Notwithstanding one 



XXXVII 

of our men made such shift that by subtle means he got 
out of the house of Audusta, and secretly went and hid 
himself behind a very thick bush, where at his pleasure, 
he might easily descry the ceremonies of the feast. The 
three that began the feast were named Iawas ; and they 
are as it were three priests of the Indian law ; to whom 
they give credit and belief partly because that by kin- 
dred they are ordained to be over their sacrifices, and 
partly also because they are such subtle magicians that 
anything that is lost is straightway recovered by their 
means. Again they are not only reverenced for these 
things, but also because they heal diseases, by, I wot not 
what kind of knowledge and skill they have. Those that 
ran so through the woods returned in two days after. 
After their return they began to dance with a cheerful 
courage in the midst of the fair place, and to cheer up 
their good old Indian fathers, who, either by reason of 
their too great age, or by reason of their natural indis- 
position and feebleness, were not called to the feast. 
When all these dances were ended, they fell to eating 
with such a greediness, that they seemed rather to de- 
vour their meat than to eat it, for they had neither eaten 
nor drank the day of the feast, nor the two days follow- 
ing. Our men were not forgotten at this good cheer, for 
the Indians sent for them all thither, showing them- 
selves very glad of their presence. While they remained 
a certain time with the Indians, a man of ours got a 
young boy for certain trifles, and inquired of him, what 
the Indians did in the woods during their absence; 
which boy made him understand by signs, that the 
Iawas had made invocation to Toya, and that by magical 
characters they had made him come that they might 
speak with him and demand divers strange things of 
him, which, for fear of the Iawas, he durst not utter. 
They have also many other ceremonies, which I will not 



XXXVIII 

here rehearse for the fear of molesting the reader with 
a matter of so small importance. 

When the feast therefore was finished our men re- 
turned unto Charles Port; where, having remained but 
a while, their victuals began to wax short, which forced 
them to have recourse unto their neighbors, and to pray 
them to succor them in their necessities ; who gave them 
part of all the victuals which they had, and kept no 
more unto themselves than would serve to sow their 
fields. They told them farther that for this cause it 
was needful for them to retire themselves into the 
woods, to live of mast and roots until the time of har- 
vest, being as sorry as might be that they were not able 
any further to aid them. They gave them also counsel 
to go toward the country of King Couexis, a man of 
might and renown in this province, who made his abode 
toward the south abounding at all seasons and replen- 
ished with such a quantity of mill, corn and beans that 
by his only succor that they might be able to live a very 
long time. But before they should come into his terri- 
tory, they were to repair unto a king called Ouade, the 
brother of Couexis, who in mill, corn, and beans was 
no less wealthy, and withal is very liberal, and who 
would be very joyful if he might but once see them. 
Our men perceiving the good relation which the Indians 
made them of those two kings resolved to go thither; 
for they felt already the necessity which oppressed 
them. Therefore they made request unto King Maccou 
that it would please him to give them one of his subjects 
to guide the right way thither; whereupon he conde- 
scended very willingly, knowing that without his favor 
they should have much ado to bring their enterprise to 
pass. Wherefore after they had given orders for all 
things necessary for the voyage, they put themselves to 
sea, and sailed so far that in the end they came into the 
country of Ouade, which they found to be in the river 



XXXIX 

Belle. Having arrived there they perceived a company 
of Indians, who, as soon as they knew of them being 
there, came before them. As soon as they came near 
them their guides showed them by signs that Ouade was 
in this company, wherefore our men set forth to salute 
him. Then two of his sons, who were with him, being 
goodly and strong men, saluted them again in very good 
sort, and used very friendly entertainment on their part. 
The king immediately began to make an oration in his 
Indian language of the great pleasure and contentment 
that he had to see them in that place, protesting that he 
would become so loyal a friend of theirs hereafter that 
he would be their faithful defender against all them that 
would offer to be their enemies. After these speeches 
he led them toward his house, where he sought to entreat 
them very courteously. His house was hung about with 
tapestry of feathers of divers colors the height of a pike. 
Moreover the place where the king took his rest was 
covered with white coverlets embroidered with devices 
of very witty and fine workmanship, and fringed round 
about with a fringe dyed in the color of scarlet. They 
advised the king, by one of the guides, who they brought 
with them, how that (having heard of his great liber- 
ality) they had put to sea to come to beseech him to 
succor them with victuals in their great want and neces- 
sity ; and that in so doing, he should bind them all here- 
after to remain his faithful friends and loyal defenders 
against all his enemies. This good Indian was as soon 
ready to do them pleasure as they were to demand it, 
and he commanded his subjects that they should fill our 
pinnesse with mill and beans. Afterward he caused 
them to bring him six pieces of his tapestry made like 
little coverlets, and gave them to our men with so liberal 
a mind, as they easily perceived the desire which he had 
to become their friend. In recompense of all these gifts 
our men gave him two cutting hooks and certain other 



XL 



trifles, wherewith he held himself greatly satisfied. This 
being done, our men took their leave of the king, which 
for their farewell, said nothing else but that they should 
return if they wanted victuals, and that they might 
assure themselves of him, that they should never want 
anything that was in his power. Wherefore they em- 
barked themselves, and sailed toward Charles Fort, 
which, from this place, might be some five and twenty 
leagues distant. But as soon as our men thought them- 
selves at their ease, and free from the dangers where- 
unto they had exposed themselves night and day gather- 
ing together victuals here and there; lo, even as they 
were asleep, the fire caught in their lodgings with such 
fury, being increased by the wind, that the room that 
was built for them before our men's departure, was con- 
sumed in an instant, without being able to save any- 
thing, save a little of their victuals. Whereupon our 
men being far from all succors, found themselves in such 
extremity, that without the aid of Almighty God, the 
only searcher of the hearts of men, who never forsaketh 
those that seek Him in their afflictions, they had been 
quite and clean out of all hope. For the next day be- 
times in the morning the King Audusta and King Mac- 
cou came thither, accompanied with a very good com- 
pany of Indians, who knowing the misfortune were very 
sorry for it. And then they uttered unto their subjects 
the speedy diligence which they were to use in building 
another house, showing unto them that the Frenchmen 
were their loving friends, and that they had made it 
evident unto them by the gifts and presents which they 
had received; protesting that whosoever put not his 
helping hand unto the work with his might, should be 
esteemed as unprofitable, and as one that had no good 
part in him, which the savages fear above all things. 
This was the occasion that every man began to endeavor 
himself in such sort, that in less than twelve hours, they 



XLI 



had begun and finished a house which was very near as 
great as the former. Which being ended, they returned 
home fully contented with a few cutting hooks, and 
hatchets, which they received of our men. Within a 
small while after this mischance, their victuals began to 
wax short ; and after our men had taken good delibera- 
tion, thought and bethought themselves again, they 
found that there was no better way for them than to 
return again to the King Ouade and Couexis, his brother. 
Wherefore they resolved to send thither some of their 
company the next day following; which, with an Indian 
canoe, sailed up into the country about ten leagues; 
afterward they found a very fair and great river of fresh 
water, which they failed not to search out; they found 
therein great numbers of crocodiles, which, in greatness, 
pass those of the river Mlus; moreover all along the 
banks thereof, there grew mighty high cypresses. After 
they had stayed a small while in this place, they pur- 
posed to follow their journey, helping themselves so well 
with the tides, that without putting themselves in dan- 
ger of the continual peril of the sea, they came into the 
country of Ouade ; of whom they were most courteously 
received. They advertised him of the occasion where- 
fore they came again to visit him, and told him of the 
mischance, that happened unto them since their last 
voyage ; how they had not only lost their household stuff 
by casualty of the fire, but also their victuals which he 
had given them so bountifully; that for this cause they 
were so bold as to come once again unto him, to beseech 
him to vouchsafe to succor them in such need and 
necessity. 

After that the king had understood their case, he sent 
messengers unto his brother, Couexis, to request him 
upon his behalf to send him some of his mill and beans, 
which thing he did; and the next morning they were 
come again with victuals, which the king caused to be 



XLII 



borne into their canoe. Our men would have .taken 
their leave of him, finding themselves more than satis- 
fied with his liberality. But for that day he would not 
suffer them, but retained them, and sought to make 
them the best cheer he could devise. The next day very 
early in the morning, he took them with him to show 
them the place where his corn grew, and said unto them 
that they should not want as long as all that mill did 
last. Afterwards he gave them a certain number of 
exceeding fair pearls, and two stones of fine crystal, and 
certain silver ore. Our men forgot not to give him cer- 
tain trifles in recompense of these presents, and required 
of him the place whence the silver ore and the crystal 
came. He made them answer, that it came ten days' 
journey from his habitation up within the country; and 
that the inhabitants of the country did dig the same at 
the foot of certain high mountains, where they found of 
it in very good quantity. Being joyful to understand 
so good news, and to have come to the knowledge of that 
which they most desired, they took their leave of the 
king, and returned by the same saw, by which they came. 
Behold therefore how our men behaved themselves 
very well hitherto, although they had endured many 
great mishaps. But misfortune or rather the last judg- 
ment of God would have it, that those which could not 
be overcome by fire nor water, should be undone by their 
ownselves. This is the common fashion of men, who 
cannot continue in one state, and had rather to over- 
throw themselves, than not to attempt some new thing 
daily. We have infinite examples in the ancient his- 
tories, especially of the Romans, unto which number this 
little handful of men, being far from their country and 
absent from their countrymen, have also added their 
present example. They entered therefore into partiali- 
ties and dissensions, which began about a soldier named 
Guernache, who was a drummer of the French bands; 



XLIII 

who, as it was told to me, was very cruelly hung by his 
own captain, and for a small fault; which captain also 
using to threaten the rest of his soldiers who stayed 
behind under his obedience, and peradventure (as it is 
to be presumed) were not so obedient to him as they 
should have been, was the cause that they fell into a 
mutiny, because that many times he put his threaten- 
ings in execution; whereupon they so chased him, that 
at last they put him to death. And the principal occa- 
sion that moved them thereunto was because he de- 
graded another soldier named La Chere (who he had 
banished) and because he had not performed his prom- 
ise; for he had promised to send him victuals, from 
eight days to eight days, which thing he did not, but 
said on the contrary that he would be glad to hear of 
his death. He said, moreover, that he would chastise 
others also, and used to evil sounding speeches, that 
honesty forbids me to repeat them. The soldiers seeing 
his madness to increase from day to day, and fearing to 
fall into the dangers of the other, resolved to kill him. 
Having executed their purpose, they went to seek the 
banished, who was in a small island about three leagues 
distant from Charles Fort, where they found him half 
dead for hunger. When they came home again, they 
assembled themselves together to choose one to be gov- 
ernor over them whose name was Nicholas Barre, a man 
worthy of commendation, and one who knew so well to 
quit himself of his charge, that all rancour and dissen- 
tion ceased among them, and they lived peaceably one 
with another. During this time, they began to build a 
small pinnesse, with hope to return into France, if no 
succors came unto them, as they expected from day to 
day. And though there was no man among them that 
had any skill, notwithstanding necessity, which is the 
master of all science, taught them the way to build it. 
After that it was finished, they thought of nothing else 



XLIV 



saving how to furnish it with all things necessary to take 
their voyage. But they wanted those things that of all 
other were most needful, as cordage and sails, without 
which the enterprise could not come to effect. Having 
no means to recover these things, they were in worse 
case than at the first, and almost ready to fall into 
despair. But that Good God, who never forsaketh the 
afflicted, did succor them in their necessity. 

As they were in their perplexities, King Audusta and 
Maccou came to them, accompanied with two hundred 
Indians at the least, whom our Frenchmen went forth 
to meet withall, and showed the king in what needs of 
cordage they stood ; who promised them to return within 
two days, and to bring so much as would suffice to fur- 
nish the pinnesse with tackling. Our men being pleased 
with this good news and promises, bestowed upon them 
certain cutting hooks and shirts. After their departure 
our men sought all means to recover rosin in the woods, 
wherein they cut the pine tree round about, out of which 
they drew a sufficient and reasonable quantity to bray 
the vessel. Also they gathered a kind of moss that 
groweth on the tree of this country, to serve to calk 
the same withal. There now wanted nothing but sails, 
which they made of their own shirts and of their sheets. 
Within a few days afterward the Indian kings returned 
to Charles Fort with so good store of cordage, that there 
was found to be sufficient for tackling of the small pin- 
nesse. Our men as glad as might be, used great liber- 
ality toward them, and at their leaving of the country, 
left them all the merchandise that remained, leaving 
them thereby so fully satisfied, that they departed from 
them with all the contentment in the world. They went 
forth therefore to finish the Brigandine, and used such 
speedy diligence, that within a short time afterward they 
made it ready furnished with all things. In the mean 
season the wind came so fit for their purpose that it 



XLV 



seemed to invite them to put to the sea ; which they did 
without delay, after they had set all their things in 
order. But before they departed they embarked their 
artillery, their forge, and other munitions of war which 
Captain Ribault had left them, and then as much mill as 
they could gather together. But being drunken with too 
excessive joy, which they had conceived for their return- 
ing into France, or rather deprived of all foresight and 
consideration, without regarding the inconstancy of the 
winds, which change in a moment, they put themselves 
to sea, and with so slender victuals, that the end of their 
enterprise became unlucky and unfortunate. 

For after they had sailed the third part of their way, 
they were surprised with calms which did so much hin- 
der them, that in three weeks they had sailed not more 
than five and twenty leagues. During this time their 
victuals consumed, and became so short, that every mau 
was constrained to eat not past twelve grains of mill by 
the day, which may be in value as much as twelve peas. 
Yea, and this felicity lasted not long ; for their victuals 
filled them altogether at once, and they had nothing for 
their more assured refuge but their shoes and leather 
jerkins which they did eat. Touching their beverage, 
some of them drank the sea water, others did drink their 
own urine; and they remained in such desperate neces- 
sity a very long space, during which time part of them 
died for hunger. Beside this extreme famine, which did 
so grievously oppress them, they fell every minute of the 
hour out of all hope ever to see France again, insomuch 
that they were constrained to cast the water continually 
out, that on all sides entered into their bark. And every 
day they fared worse and worse ; for after they had eaten 
up their shoes and leather jerkins, there arose so bois- 
terous a wind and so contrary to their course, that in 
the turning of a hand, the waves filled their vessel half 
full of water and bruised it upon one side. Being now 



XLVI 



more out of hope than ever to escape out of this extreme 
peril, they cared not for the casting out of the water 
which now was almost ready to drown them. And, as 
men resolved to die, every one fell down backward, and 
gave themselves over to the will of the waves. When 
as one of them a little having taken heart unto him de- 
clared unto them how little way they had to sail, assur- 
ing them that if the wind held, they should see land 
within three days. This man did so encourage them, 
that after they had thrown the water out of the pinnesse 
they remained three days without eating or drinking, 
except it were of the sea water. When the time of his 
promise was expired, they were more troubled than they 
were before seeing they could not descry any land. 
Wherefore in their extreme despair certain ones among 
them made this motion that it was better that one man 
should die, than that so many men should perish ; they 
agreed therefore that one should die to sustain the 
others. Which thing was executed in the person of La 
Chere, of whom we have spoken heretofore, whose flesh 
was divided among his fellows; a thing so pitiful to 
recite, that my pen is loth to write it. 

After so long time and tedious travels, God of His 
goodness, using His accustomed favor, changed their 
sorrow into joy, and showed unto them the sight of land. 
Whereof they were so exceedingly glad, that the pleas- 
ure caused them to remain a long time as men without 
sense ; whereby they let the pinnesse float this and that 
way without holding any right way or course. But a 
small English bark boarded the vessel, in which there 
was a Frenchman who had been in the first voyage into 
Florida, who easily knew them, and spoke unto them, 
and afterwards gave them meat and drink. Inconti- 
nently they recovered their natural courage, and de- 
clared unto him at large all their navigation. The Eng- 
lishmen consulted a long while what was best to be done, 



XLVII 

and in fine they resolved to put on land those that were 
most feeble, and to carry the rest unto the Queen of 
England, which purposed at that time to send into 
Florida. Thus you see in brief that which happened to 
them which Captain John Ribault had left in Florida. 









Later Settlements of French Protestants 
in America 

[Charles I. of England sympathizing with the French 
Protestant Refugees temporarily residing there, granted .'i 
charter to Sir Robert Heath, Chief Justice of his Court of 
Common Pleas, of date 30th October, 1629, to what was 
called Carolana, and actively promoted a colony, which 
sailed therefor in the spring of 1630. The miscarriage of 
this promising voyage and the heavy penalty incurred forms 
an interesting historical narrative. 

During the great exodus of French Huguenots, growing 
out of the religious troubles of the period, large numbers 
of them settled in England, and upon the accession of 
Charles I. to the throne they attracted his attention and 
elicited his marked interest. It is only in recent years that 
the charter to Carolana, given by Charles I. to "Sir Robert 
Heath, Knt., chief justice of our court of Common Pleas," 
has been fully explained. It is now known that the object 
of the king was to promote a colony of French Protestants 
to Carolana. For the particulars of this movement, we are 
indebted to the late W. Noel Sainsbury, one of the chief 
officers of the Public Record Office, Fetter Lane, London, 
who wrote in The Antiquary (a magazine devoted to the 
study of the past, published in London), March, 1881, the 
following intensely interesting paper.] 

Many noble families now resident in America are 
proud of claiming descent from the French Protestants 
who went over there nearly 250 years ago. A knowledge 
of the history of their heroic deeds and sacrifices in 
defence of their lives and religion will leave us in no 
doubt of the reasons. Their first settlement in America 
took place in connection with an intended plantation of 
Carolina more than forty years before any actual settle- 
ment took place. 



XLIX 

It was mainly through the exertions of one of the 
principal followers of Soubise, Duke de Fontenay, a 
great leader of the Protestant Reformed religion in 
France, soon after Charles I. ascended the English 
throne, that numbers of these families ultimately 
adopted America as their country. 

Antoine de Ridouet, Baron de Sance", was the name 
of this promoter of American colonization, and he acted 
in the capacity of secretary to Soubise during his so- 
journ in this country. 

Soubise was in truth an exile. He had espoused with 
all the vigour of his character the cause of his fellow 
Protestant countrymen in France. His perseverance in 
endeavoring to obtain an acknowledgment of their rights 
had drawn upon him the wrath of his Sovereign. The 
King of France had accused him of acts of rebellion, 
and, fearing the worst consequences, Soubise had col- 
lected at Rochelle a fleet and about 1,500 men eager to 
espouse his cause and to fight in defence of it. The 
Dutch lent a willing ear to the solicitations of Soubise 
for aid, and gave him all the assistance they could. 
Ships, men, and war material were speedily furnished, 
and Soubise, flushed with success, Avas eager to give a 
practical proof of his sincerity and his courage. 

A battle was the consequence, and the defeat of the 
French King's fleet the result. But the brilliant hopes 
of Soubise were unhappily of short duration. Louis 
XIII., worsted by a portion of his own subjects, deter- 
mined to put forth his strength; so Rochelle was pro- 
claimed in a state of siege, and the besiegers were soon 
reduced to the last extremities. In his despair Soubise 
applied to England ; he begged King Charles to come to 
his assistance; he urged that himself and his followers 
had fought in defence of their common faith; that the 
very existence of the Protestant religion in France, and 
with it the lives of his followers, depended upon the 



issue of the struggle; and he entreated the Protestant 
King to assist a Protestant people. He succeeded in 
enlisting the sympathy of the English Court, if not 
entirely that of the English people, who were at this 
time so much occupied with their own grievances. 

The Duke of Buckingham, then Lord High Admiral 
of England, was favourable to the cause, and through 
his power and influence Soubise was promised assist- 
ance. After some delay, a few English ships were made 
ready and under the immediate command of Bucking- 
ham sailed to the relief of Rochelle. The result, how- 
ever, was disastrous in the extreme, and fatal to the 
ambitious hopes of the great French Protestant leader. 
He was in turn worsted by the French King's fleet. The 
English ships, indifferently manned and badly com- 
manded, were of little or no avail, and Soubise, disap -, 
pointed of his last chance of success, had no alternative 
but to take refuge in England with the remnant of his 
followers. Most of these, maintained for a time by the 
English Government, were soon reduced to the greatest 
distress. Many, it is supposed, went over to the Span- 
iards, others to the West Indies, and some sailed for 
America. Of these last we wish to speak. 

De Sance", who was a devoted follower of Soubise, and 
accompanied him in his flight to England, had previ- 
ously been very active in protecting the interests of his 
Protestant countrymen fugitives. To many petitions 
from these distressed men to the Privy Council, De 
Sance", had written certificates that the petitioners were 
of the Reformed religion. 

Fortunately, at this juncture the Duke of Bucking- 
ham stood his friend. At Buckingham's recommenda- 
tion King Charles granted De Sance" a pension of £100 
a-year, his estate in France having been confiscated. 
But this was hardly sufficient for a man who thought 
not of his own wants alone. True to the principles for 



LI 



which so much had been sacrificed, he used all the influ- 
ence he possessed for the permanent well-being of his 
fellow-sufferers, so he petitioned the King for an in- 
crease of his pension to £200 a year : his former patron, 
the Duke of Buckingham, had by this time fallen by the 
knife of an assassin. He likewise prayed for letters of 
denization, as himself and family had resolved to live in 
England. This is the letter he wrote: — 



Monseigneur, 

Le desir que j'ay de servir Sa Majeste et me retirer en ce 
pais issy avec ma famille et tout ce que j'ay en France aussy 
pour f aire habituer des f ranssois protestans en Virginie pour 
y planter des vignes, olives, faire des soyes, et du sel me fait 
vous suplier tres humblement d'obtenir de Sa Majeste quil 
luy plaise m'honorer de letres de gentilhomme de sa chambre 
privee. Avec letres de Denison pour moy et mon fils. Et 
quil luy plaise donner ordre a Monseigneur l'Ambassadeur 
qui ira en France d'obtenir comme ayant l'honneur d'estre 
son domestique, liberte et surete pour moy avec la jouissence 
de mon bien afin que par ce moyen et soubs la faveur de Sa 
Majeste je puiss issy faire transporter ma famile et mon 
bein pour estre plus prest a servir Sa Majeste et vous aussy 
monseigneur. 

(To Lord Dorchester, SANCE. 

H. M. Secretary of State.) 



His chief object in writing this letter was that he 
might be enabled to carry out the idea he had formed 
of inducing the French Protestant refugees to seek a 
permanent home on the continent of America. There 
he felt sure his unhappy Protestant countrymen would 
be free to follow their own religion in safety and in 
peace; there they would be able to embark in pursuits 
congenial to their tastes, and forget in healthful occu- 
pations the deadly struggle for religious freedom in 
which they had been so long engaged; and there also 



LII 



they would find a permanent and a happy home for 
themselves, their wives and their families. His active 
mind was ever at work to secure the success of his 
scheme. Every detail connected with the intended colony 
was a subject to him of anxious thought, and a calcula- 
tion of the greatest care. At first he seems to have 
wished to colonize a considerable tract of land in Amer- 
ica, as the extent of territory he demanded was capable 
of settling more than 20,000 men. In a subsequent 
paper, however, his plans were evidently more matured ; 
he there proposes that not more than 100 or 150 settlers 
should be sent over in the first year, and that labourers, 
artisans and skilful seamen only should go during the 
next two or three years. 

His proposals met with favour. Articles were agreed 
upon between the King's Attorney-General and himself, 
and instructions were drawn out for settling a planta- 
tion in Carolina and for the voyage. All the details 
were at length completed. Every Frenchman wishing 
to go was to furnish a certificate from his pastor that 
he was of the Reformed religion ; this was essential, and 
of the utmost importance in the eyes of De Sance\ He 
also drew out rules for their particular guidance, the 
exact number that were in the first instance to sail, a 
minister being at their head, and the duties each would 
have to perform. Even the provisions they were to 
carry with them were minutely written down; these 
were to include the apparel, arms, tools and household 
implements necessary for one person or for a family; 
all such charges for fifty men estimated at £1,000. By 
some means, however, probably consequent on the inter- 
nal commotions then unhappily prevailing in England, 
the final action in this contemplated settlement was de- 
layed, and it was not until April 20, 1630, that "Instruc- 
tions by way of indenture betwixt His Majesty and Sir 
Robert Heath, Knt., Chief Justice of our Court of Com- 



LIII 



mon Pleas, to be observed in the plantation of Carolina" 
were signed, one article of which was "That none shall 
be willingly admitted or entertained into this plantation 
which shall not be of the Protestant religion." As all 
were Frenchmen, and as they could not but remember 
the persecution and miseries which they had undergone, 
they no doubt stipulated before quitting England that 
Roman Catholics should form no portion of their num- 
ber, or they very naturally thought they would scarcely 
be allowed to enjoy that tranquility in the exercise of 
their religion which had been so distinctly promised to 
them. A governor was appointed for the newly intended 
colony, and everything was in readiness for the voyage, 
when, at the last stage of this historical drama, "the 
plantation was hindered, and the voyage frustrated" 
How this came about we gather from the contents of a 
petition presented to the Privy Council in 1634, more 
than four years after these events took place. 

From this it appears that these unfortunate French 
Protestants, fated as it seemed to endure sacrifices and 
disappointments, were landed in Virginia, where they 
remained in distress until the following May with no 
transport to take them to Carolina. The name of the 
vessel which took them over was the "Mayflower." Was 
it the same ship that carried the Puritans to Plymouth 
in 1620? 

The ill success of this expedition was not, however, 
allowed to pass unnoticed in England. The contractors 
for the voyage were committed to the custody of a mes- 
senger until they were able to answer the complaints 
against them. The judge of the Admiralty made two 
formal reports on the subject; and the contractors, 
Samuel Vassall and Peter Andrews, were ordered to pay 
upwards of £600 for the losses sustained by the non- 
fulfilment of their contract. 



LIV 



Thus fell to the ground, for a time at least, an in- 
tended settlement of Carolina, early in the seventeenth 
century, which was neither renewed nor successfully 
accomplished until about forty years afterwards, when 
John Locke, the great philosopher, at that time Private 
Secretary to Lord Shaftesbury, was consulted by the 
lords proprietors of Carolina, and framed the original 
or first set of the constitutions for the government of 
the colony. Had this first attempt succeeded, to what 
fruitful results might it not have led? The intended 

/settlers were men of character, industrious and honour- 
able, who had sacrificed their fortunes and would have 
sacrificed their lives for their religion. They had fought 
under Soubise, and were desirous to settle where they 
could enjoy their religious opinions undisturbed, and 
be employed in honest and useful occupations. The 
cultivation of a rich and fruitful soil, untouched, if not 
unseen, by any but the native Indians, the planting of 
the vine, nurturing the silkworm, and similar pursuits, 
these men were desirous to undertake. But their wishes 
were frustrated, not through any fault of their own, and 
the settlement of a fair colony in America, delayed, as 

s^we have said, for nearly half a century. It is, however, 
pretty certain that these French Protestants remained 
in Virginia, and there is evidence that twenty-eight 
more were sent over through De Sance^s efforts in the 
"Thomas" to supply the place of any who might die in 
the "Mayflower." Nevertheless, it must not be forgotten 
that, though his untiring exertions to found the settle- 
ment were not successful, De Sance" was mainly instru- 
mental in inducing these French Protestants to adopt 
America as their home. They were assuredly the first 
of the large numbers who subsequently did so. All the 
documents relating to this intended settlement of Caro- 



LV 



lina will be found in the Colonial Series of State Papers 
in H. M. Public Record Office. 

W. Noel Sainsbury. 



[To correct some unimportant errors in the previous 
article, although not germane to Carolina, space is given 
to the following paper, contributed by Mr. Sainsbury to 
the May, 1881, issue of The Antiquarian, as it fixes an 
earlier date (1621) for the movements of French Pro- 
testants to America, who landed in Virginia, than here- 
tofore known. The intended colonists signed what has 
been since designated as a "Round Robin," that is, their 
names are signed around a circle; a fac-simile of it, in 
size and details, is extant, and really makes an interest- 
ing and curious Huguenot relic, while preserving many 
family names of that early period.] 

A paper on the first settlement of French Protestants 
in America in the March Number of The Antiquary has 
attracted so much attention that I purpose jotting down 
a few more remarks on the same subject, which will 
render it necessary to qualify the statement that the 
French Protestants who were sent out under the au- 
spices of the Baron de Sance" were the first of the large 
number who subsequently adopted America as their 
home. For it is evident that nearly ten years before 
De Sance' conceived the idea of an exodus of French 
Protestants from England to Carolina, our ambassador 
at the Hague was chiefly instrumental in the departure 
of some sixty French and Walloon families from the 
United Provinces, "all of the Reformed religion," to the 
then infant colony of Virginia. Those who are inter- 
ested in the history of these early emigrations of French 



LVI 



Protestants to America, will remember an attempt, 
about the middle of the sixteenth century, by Admiral 
Coligny, to found a colony of Huguenots in Florida, and 
that John Ribault, in 1562, was sent in command of two 
ships to take them over there. 

The first intimation received by King James I. of the 
desire of certain French and Walloon families to go to 
Virginia was by letter, from Sir Dudley Carleton to 
Secretary Sir George Calvert, dated from the Hague, 
19th July, 1621, in these words : "Here hath been with 
me of late a certain Walloon, an inhabitant of Ley den, 
in the name of divers families, men of all trades and 
occupations, who desire to go into Virginia, and there to 
live in the same condition as others of His Majesty's 
subjects, but in a town or incorporation by themselves ; 
which being a matter of some consideration, I required 
of him his demands in writing, with the signature of 
such as were to bear part therein; both which I send 
your Honor herewith; and howsoever the demands are 
extravagant in some points, yet if His Majesty like of 
their going thither, they may be made more capable of 
the nature of the plantation ; to which purpose they will 
send one (upon the first word they shall have from me 
of His Majesty's pleasure) expressly to treat with our 
Company in England." 

With this despatch the English ambassador sent two 
inclosures, the first of which is addressed to "the Lord 
Ambassador of the most serene King of Great Britain,'' 
and has been endorsed by Sir Dudley Carleton, "Sup- 
plication of certain Walloons and French who are de- 
sirous to go into Virginia." The original of this is in 
French, and is signed by Jesse de Forest. It may be 
abstracted as follows: 

"That His Maj. will permit fifty or sixty families, as 
well Walloons as French, all of the reformed religion, 
to settle in Virginia, and protect them and maintain 



LVII 



them in their religion. As said families would consist 
of nearly 300, they wish to take a quantity of cattle as 
well for husbandry as for their support, and ask His 
Majesty to accommodate them with one ship, supplied 
with cannon and other arms. That they may select a 
spot fit for their settlement, from the places not yet cul- 
tivated, erect a town for their security, with fortifica- 
tions, and elect a Governor and Magistrates. That His 
Majesty furnish them with cannon and ammunition, and 
grant them, in case of necessity, the right to make pow- 
der, bullets, etc. That His Maj. grant them a territory 
of eight English miles all round — i. e., sixteen miles in 
diameter — to be held from His Maj. with reservation of 
inferior Seignorial rights, privilege of exclusive hunting 
and fishing, etc. That my Lord Ambassador would ex- 
pedite said privileges in due form as soon as possible, 
that they may be ready by f March next, the convenient 
season." 

A translation of this "Supplication" is printed in 
Documents relating to the History of New York, vol. 
iii, pp. 9-10. But Carleton's second inclosure, "The 
Promise of certain Walloons and French to emigrate to 
Virginia," has never yet been printed that I am aware 
of, and it is by far the most interesting of the two. This 
also is in French, and in the form of a Round Robin, 
the signature and calling of the head of each family 
being appended, the person signing stating in an outer 
circle whether he is married, and the number of his chil- 
dren, some having only signed their marks. The grand 
total is 227, of whom 55 are men, 41 women, 129 chil- 
dren, and 2 servants. 

In the centre of the large sheet of paper upon which 
all these signatures appear is written, in French : — "We 
promise my Lord Ambassador of the Most Serene King 
of Great Britain to go and inhabit in Virginia, a land 
under His Majesty's obedience, as soon as conveniently 



LVIII 

may be, and this under the conditions to be carried out 
in the articles we have communicated to the said Am- 
bassador, and not otherwise, in the faith of which we 
have unanimously signed this present with our sign 
manuals." 

Within a month the Secretary of State replied to the 
English Ambassador that he had moved the king con- 
cerning the overture made for planting in Virginia, and 
this His Majesty was pleased to refer the proposition to 
the Council of Virginia, whose answer he inclosed, with 
leave, if Carleton thought fit, to show it to the French 
and Walloons, "and as they like the Answer they may 
resolve to proceed or desist." 

The Virginia Company, in their answer, said they did 
not conceive any inconvenience, provided the number 
did not exceed 300, and that they took the oath of alle- 
giances to the King, and conformed to the rules of gov- 
ernment established in the Church of England. Land 
would be granted to them in convenient numbers in the 
principal cities, boroughs, and corporations in Virginia. 

In a record of the proceedings of the Virginia Com- 
pany will be found a letter to the Governor of Virginia, 
telling him that the Company had considered the propo- 
sitions of certain French and Walloons to inhabit in 
Virginia, and "have returned to them so fine answer as 
we consider they will resolve to go;" that there will be 
sixty families, consisting of about 300 persons, and that 
he may expect them coming about next spring. 

In another letter, dated 11th of Sept. 1621, the Vir- 
ginia Company advise the Governor that the "Dutie" 
will take over "store of silke worme seed and abundance 
of vine plants ;" and they request that "a straight charge 
be given for the preserving of vines and mulberry trees," 
adding that "because the skill of handling them is only 
derived from the Frenchmen, we cannot but here recom- 



LIX 



mend this to your favour and regard, that they may be 
kindly used and cherished." 

An article in the Saturday Review of the 5th of March 
last contains some interesting remarks upon French 
Protestant settlers in America, but the writer has fallen 
into some confusion with dates. Charles II. granted 
two patents for Carolina, one in 1663, the other in 1665, 
but there was no patent granted in 1670. In that year, 
however, the settlement of Port Royal ( Charleston ) was 
effected, the Articles of Agreement between the Lords 
Proprietors of Carolina to pay £500 each for that pur- 
pose being dated in 1669, the year before. 

W. Noel Sainsbury. 








Preface to the Fifth Volume of Collections of the 
South Carolina Historical Society 



At the Restoration the Barbadoes planters, become 
straightened for land, hearing report of a wide country 
in the main, with broad rivers and fat soil, sent ships to 
"discover" it. Sir John Colleton, a Barbadoes planter, 
and Sir A. Ashley Cooper, meeting at court and in the 
West India committee, the new country of Carolina was 
suggested to Sir Anthony, who, with the great officers 
about the King, Monck, Clarendon, &c, obtained a grant 
of it. A few people had already settled at Chowan, and 
New England traders sent some further on to Cape 
Fear, but these returned "without so much as ever sit- 
ting down upon it." Hilton had been at Charles River, 
sent by the Barbadoes adventurers who proposed to 
plant there. Claims then arose under Sir Robert Heath's 
dormant patent, but Avere summarily suppressed by its 
revocation. 

Upon the New Englanders' failure, the annulling of 
Heath's patent and the grant to those powerful noble- 
men, the "Cape Fear adventurers" applied to them, and 
under their "declarations," sent out a colony which 
landed at Charles river 29 May, 1664. 

Meanwhile the "Port Royal adventurers" sent Hilton 
on a new discovery, and upon his good report, with the 
Proprietors' "concessions" and aid, and under Sir John 
Yeamans, left Barbadoes in October, 1665, and reached 
Charles river in November. But losing a ship and all 
their arms and stores, and being "for Port Royal and 
now by the calamity that fell on Sir John Yeamans dis- 
appointed," they returned to Barbadoes in January, 



LXI 



1666. In June Sandford sailed on his Port Royal dis- 
covery, and in the fall the colony broke up and Cape 
Fear became a memory, to cloud the reputation of Yea- 
mans and deter the Barbadoes planters from further 
adventure. 

But Carolina grew in Lord Ashley's brain, Locke 
framed a constitution for the dominion beyond the seas, 
and the Proprietors fitted a fleet and colony to possess 
it. The ships left the Downs late in August, 1669, 
touched at Kinsale, Ireland, and made Barbadoes (after 
a stormy voyage) late in October. The Albemarle was 
lost there, Colleton's sloop substituted, and the three 
ships sailed about November 30, touched December 10 
at Nevis, and were soon after scattered by fearful hurri- 
canes. The Port Royal, beating about for weeks, was 
lost on the Bahamas, the sloop was driven to Virginia, 
and the Carolina "with difficulty attained Bermuda" 
January 12. There Yeamans, substituted Sayle as gov- 
ernor, and returned to Barbadoes. 

The Carolina's company left Bermuda February 26, 
"came up with the land" at Sewee March 16, and sailed 
on to Port Royal, but, deterred by its breakers and 
situation "in the very chaps of the Spaniard," and 
drawn to Kiawah by the blandishments of the casique, 
they left Port Royal and came to Kiawah early in April, 
1670. There at "Old Town" they settled, and were 
joined May 23 by the sloop, and in March, 1670-1, by 
some Barbadoes planters and their servants. The In- 
dians, already used to white men, "and knowing guns 
and many Spanish words," were friendly and helpful, 
but, poor and timid, prey of the inland slave raiders, 
had scant supplies to give. The colony was good, and 
led by gentlemen able, but unused to planting, and suc- 
cess was doubtful until ( Cape Fear being forgotten ) the 
Barbadoes planters brought their experience and their 
negroes to assure it, and plant Carolina as Carolinians 



LXII 



later planted Mississippi. This, our early government 
and laws, our parish names and system, many of our 
"first families," and now these papers, attest. Thus 
Carolina, drawn from Lord Ashley's system, lords and 
"leetman settled in towns," became a planting province 
under the concessions. 

The story is told in the Shaftesbury Papers, deposited 
by the late Earl of Shaftesbury in the Public Kecord 
Office. Those papers include many relating to Carolina, 
and showing the deep interest of the first Earl of 
Shaftesbury and his secretary, Locke, in his "Darlings" 
settlement and prosperity. These Carolina papers were 
procured (through the late W. Noel Sainsbury, Esq.) 
for the Centennial celebration of the city of Charleston, 
and were afterwards presented by the Hon. Wm. A. 
Courtenay, mayor of Charleston, and the City Council 
to the South Carolina Historical Society ; the State and 
city contributing funds to aid the Society in the publi- 
cation. To make this record more complete, other 
papers have been included or referred to. 



RELATION 

OF 

A Diicovery lately made on the Coaft of 

FLORIDA, 

(From Lat. 31. to 33 Deg. 45 Min. North-Lat.) 

By William Hilton Commander, and 

CommifFioner with Capt. Anthony Long, and 

Peter Fabian, in the Ship Adventure, which fet Sayle 

from Spikes Bay, Aug. 10. 1663. and was fet 

forth by feveral Gentlemen and Merchants 

of the Ifland of BAEBADOES. 

Giving an account of the nature and temperature of the 

Soyl, the manners and difpolition of the Natives, and whatfoever 
elfe is remarkable therein. 

Together with 

Propofals made by the Commiflioners of 
the Lords Propiietors, to all f'uch perfons as fliall 

become the firft Setlers on the Rivers, Harbors, 
and Creeks there. 



Originally printed by J. C. for Simon Miller at the Star neer the 
Weft-end of St. Pauls, London, 1664. 




A true Relation of a Voyage, upon difcov- 
ery of part of the Coatt of Florida, (now Carolina,} 
from the Lat. of 31 Deg. to 33 Deg. 45 m. North 
Lat. in the Ship Adventure, William Hilton Com- 
mander, and Commiffioner with Captain Anthony 
Long and Peter Fabian; fet forth by feveral Gen- 
tlemen and Merchants of the Iiland of Barbadoes / 
failed from Spikes Bay, Aug. 10. 1663. 

/tFter Sixteen days of fair weather, and prof- 
jL*- perons winds, Wednefday the 20 inftant, 
four of the clock in the After- 
noon, God be thanked, we efpied 
Land on the Coaft of Florida, in 
the lat. of 32 deg. 30. min. be- 
ing four Leagues or thereabouts 
to the Northwards of St. Ellens, 
having ran five hundred and fifty Leagues ; and 
to the Weftward of the Meridian of Barhadoes, 
three hundred thirty and one Leagues. This 
Evening and Night following we lay off and 
on : Thurfday the 27th inftant, in the morning, 
we ftood in with the Land, and coafted the 




gSsBf32Ks*s= 



4 Hilton ] s Voyage of Discovery 

Shoar to the Southward, Ankering at Nights, 
and fending our Boat out a Mornings, till we 
came into the lat. of 31 deg. but found no 
good harbour that way. On Sunday the 30th 
inftant, we tacked, and flood Northward : and 
on Wednefday the fecond of September, we came 
to an Anchor in five fathoms at the mouth of a 
very large opening of three Leagues wide, or 
thereabouts, in the lat. of 32 deg. 30 min. and 
fent our Boat to found the Channel. On Thurf- 
day the third, we entered the Harbour, and found 
that it was the River Jordan, and was but 
four Leagues or thereabouts N. E. from Port 
Royal, which by the Spanyards is called St. 
Ellens: within Land, both Rivers meet in one. 
We fpent fome time to found the Chancls both 
without and within, and to fearch the Rivers in 
feveral branches, and to view the Land. On 
Saturday the fifth of September, two Indians 
came on Board us from the N. E. Ihoar, whom 
we entertained courteoufly, and afterwards fet 
them on ihoar. On Sunday the fixth, feveral In- 
dians came on Board us, and faid they were of St. 
Ellens; being very bold and familiar; fpeaking 
many Spanijh words, as Oapptian, Oommarado, 
and Adeus. They know the ufe of Guns, and are 
as little ftartled at the firing of a Piece of Ord- 
nance, as he that hath been ufed to them many 
years : they told us the neareft Spanyards were 
at St. Auyustins, and feveral of them had been 



V 



\ 






H^l 



\J\aviejj\iMenr 

/" 8tfr mnwK 



^ 71 






JbmihfSfy 



4 



i 7 



ye 




2 \^ 





i- 7 



[Brit. Mus. Add. M.S. 541 5. G. 4.] 



J A Burt, Li ti. 



Rkpeodoced prom tm Original Map fob Hon. Wm, A. Couhtbnay, Chablbston, S. C. 1886. 



To the Coast of Florida. 5 

there, which as they faid was but ten days jour- 
ney; and that the Spanyards ufed to come to 
them at Saint Ellens, sometimes in Conoa's within 
Land, at other times in fmall Veffels by Sea, 
which the Indians defcribe to have but two 
Malls. They invited us to come to St. Ellens 
with our Ship, which they told us we might do 
within Land. Monday the 14 September, our 
Long-Boat went with twelve hands within Land 
to St. Ellens. On Wednefday the 16th, came five 
Indians on board us; one of them pointing to 
another, faid, he was the Grandy Captain of 
Edistow : whereupon we took efpecial notice of 
him, and entertained him accordingly, giving 
him feveral Beads, & other trade that pleafed 
him well : He invited us to bring up our Ship 
into a branch on the N. E. fide, and told us of 
one Captain Francifco, and four more Englifh 
that were in his cuftody on fhoar; whereupon 
we (hewed him ftore of all Trade, as Beads, Hoes, 
Hatchets and Bills, kc. and faid, he fhould have 
all thofe things if he would bring the Englifh on 
board us ; w ch he promifed should be done the 
next day. Hereupon we wrote a few lines to 
the faid Engli/h, fearing it to be a Spamjh de- 
lufion to entrap us. In the dark of the fame 
Evening came a Conoa with nine or ten Indians 
in her with their Bowes and Arrowes, and were 
clofe on board before we did difcern them : We 
haled them, but they made us no anfwer, which 



6 Hilt oris Toy age of Discovery 

increafed our jealoufie : So we commanded them 
on board, and difarmed them, detaining two of 
them prifoners, and fending away the reft to 
fetch the Englijh; which if they brought, they 
fhould have theirs again. At length the} r de- 
livered us a Note written with a coal, which 
feemed the more to continue our jealoufie, be- 
cause in all this time we had no news of our long- 
boat from St. Ellens, which we feared was sur- 
prized by the Indians and Spaniards. But to 
iatisfie us that there were Englijh on fhoar, they 
fent us one man on board about twelve of the 
clock in the Night who related to us the truth 
of the matter, and told us they were caft away 
fome four or five leagues to the Northward of 
the place we then rode, on the 24th of July past, 
being thirteen perfons that came on fhoar, where- 
of three of them were kill'd by the Indians. On 
Thuvfday the 17th of September the Long-boat 
returned from St. Ellens, which prefently we fent 
on fhoar to fetch the other Englijh, the Indians 
delivering us three more; and coming aboard 
themfelves, we delivered them their two men. 
Then we demanded of the chief Commander 
where the reft of our Englijh were : he anfwered, 
Five were carried to St. Ellens, three were killed 
by the Stonohs, and the other man we fhould 
have within two dayes. We replyed to him 
again, That we would keep him and two more 
of his chief men, till we had our Englijh that 



To the Coast of Florida. 7 

were yet living ; and promifed them their liber- 
ty, with fatisfaction for bringing us the Engli/Ji. 
Now to return to the bufineffe of our Defign ; 
the entertainment we had at S. Ellens put us in 
great fear of the Indians treachery; for we ob- 
served their continual gathering together, and 
at laft beo-an with ftern-look'd countenances to 
fpeak roughly to us, and came to fearch our mens 
Bandileers and pockets; yet inviting us to ftay 
that night with them : but we made a hidden 
retreat to our Boat, which caufed the Indian 
King to be in a great rage, fpeaking loud and 
angry to his men ; the drift of which difcourfe 
we underftood not. That which we noted there, 
was a fair houfe builded in the fhape of a Dove- 
houfe, round, two hundred foot at leaft, com- 
pleatly covered with Palmeto-\e&ves, the wal- 
plate being twelve foot high, or thereabouts, & 
within lodging Rooms and forms; two pillars at 
the entrance of a high Seat above all the reft: 
Alfo another houfe like a Sentinel-houfe, floored 
ten foot high with planks, faftned with Spikes 
and Nayls, (landing upon fubftantial Pofts, with 
feveral other fmall houfes round about. Also 
we faw many planks, to the quantity of three 
thoufand foot or thereabouts, with other Timber 
fquared, and a Croff before the great houfe. 
Like wife we faw the Ruines of an old Fort, com- 
paffing more than half an acre of land within 
the Trenches, which we suppofed to be Charlfs 



8 Hilton's Voyage of Discovery 

Fort, built, and fo called by the French in 15G2, 
&c. On Monday, September 21 . one Englifh youth 
was brought from St. Ellens aboard us by an 
Indian, who informed us that there were four 
more of their company at St. Ellens, but he could 
not tell whether the Indians would let them come 
to us: For faith he, Our Men told me, that they 
had lately feen a Frier and two Spaniards more 
at St. Ellens, who told them they would fend 
Soldiers fuddenly to fetch them away. This day 
we fayled up the River with our Ship to go 
through to St. Ellens. On Tuefdaij the 22 inftant, 
three Indians came on board; one of them we 
fent with a Letter to the Ehiglijh Prifoners there. 
On Wednefdaij the 23d, we fent out Boat and 
Men to found the Chanel, and fmde out the mofl 
likely way to St. Ellens with our Ship by Oom- 
beJieh. In the mean time came many Canoa's 
about us with Corn, Pumpions, and Venifon, Deer- 
fkins, and a fort of fweet-wood. One of our men 
looking into an Indian bafket, found a piece of 
SpaniJJt Rusk : it being new, we demanded of 
the Indian where he had it; who faid, of the 
Spaniards. In the interim, while we were talk- 
ing, came a Canoa with four Indians from St. 
Ellens, on ftanding up, and holding a paper in a 
cleft flick ; they told us they had brought it from 
the Spanijh Captain at St. Ellens. We demanded 
how many Spaniards were come thither ; who 
faid, Seven, and one EngliJIt-man : We received 



To the Coast of Florida. 9 

their Letter writ in Spanifa, but none of us could 
read it: We detained two of the chiefeft Indians, 
one of them being the Kings Son of S. Ellens, 
and that kept one of the Englijh prifoners; the 
other two we fent away with a Letter to the 
Spaniard, wherein we gave him to underftand, 
that we underflood not his letter; and told the 
Indians, when they brought the Englijh, they 
fhould have their men again, with fatisfaction 
for their pains. On Thurfday, 24 inftant, we 
fayling further up the River to go through, at 
laft came to a place of frefh water, and Anchored 
there, fending our Boat afhoar with a Guard to 
get water. Towards night came the firft Indian 
that we fent to St. Ellens with a letter to the 
EngliJIi, who brought us another letter from the 
Spaniards, and an Anfwer of ours from the En- 
gliJIi, writ in the Spaniards letter. The Spaniard 
fent us a quarter of Venifon, and a quarter of 
Pork, with a Complement, That he was forry he 
had no more for us at that time. We returned 
him thanks, and fent him a Jug of Brandy ; and 
withal, that we were forry we underftood not 
his letter. This night about twelve of the Clock 
we had a moft violent guft of winde, but of no 
long continuance. On Friday 25 September, we 
weighed, and returned down the River fix 
leagues, or thereabouts, becaufe we perceived 
the Indians had gathered themfelves in a Body 
from all parts thereabouts, and moved as the 

3 



10 Hilton } s Voyage of Discovery 

Ship did : and being informed by an Indian that 
the Spaniards would be there the next day ; we 
took in Fire-wood, and continued there that 
night, at which time one of our Indian Prifoners 
made his efcape by leaping over-board in the 
dark. On Saturday the 26. we weighed, and 
ftood down to the Harbours mouth, and flayed 
there till Monday the 28. In all which time 
came no one to us, though we ftay'd in expecta- 
tion of their coming continually; therefore put 
out to Sea, concluding their intentions not to be 
good. Being out of the River Jordan, we di- 
rected our courfe S. W. four leagues or there- 
abouts for Port-Royal, to found the Chanel with- 
out from the poynts of the Harbour outwards; 
for we had founded the Harbour within from 
the points inward when our Boat was at St. El- 
lens: And now being athwart the Harbours 
mouth, we fent our Boat with the Mate and 
others, who found the N. E. and E. N. E. fide of 
the opening of Port-Royal to be Sholes and 
Breakers to the middle of the opening; and 
three leagues or thereabouts into the Sea, from 
the fide aforefaid, is unfafe to meddle with : but 
the S.W. and W. fide we found all bold steering 
in N. N. W. two or three miles from the S. W. 
(hoar, fayling directly with the S.W. head-land 
of the entrance of Port-Royal: the faid head- 
land is bluft, and feems fteep, as though the trees 
hung over the water : But you muft note, that 



To the Coast of Florida. 11 

if you keep (b far from the S.W. fide, that you 
ftand in N. N. W. with the bluft head aforefaid, 
you fhall go over the Outfkirt of the E. N. E. (hol- 
ing, and (hall have but three or four fathom for 
the fpace of one league or thereabouts, and then 
you fhall have fix and feven fathoms all the way 
in : But if you borrow more on the S.W. fide, till 
you have brought the S. W. head of the Entry 
to bear N. N. E. you fhall have a fair large Chanel 
of fix, feven, and eight fathoms all the way in, 
and then five, fix, feven and eight fathoms with- 
in the Harbour, keeping the Chanel, and {land- 
ing over to the Northward : we fuppofed that it 
flows here as at the River Jordan, becaufe they 
are but four leagues afunder, and flows S. E. and 
N.W. feven foot and half, and fometimes eight 
foot perpendicular: the Mouth of Port-Royal 
lyes in 32 deg. 20 min. lat. Now as concerning 
the entrance of the River Jordan, lat. 32 deg. 
30. min. or thereabouts, you fhall fee a range of 
Breakers right againft the opening, two or three 
leagues off the S.W. Point ; which you muft leave 
to the Northward, and fteer in with the faid S. 
W. Point, giving a range of Breakers that runs 
from the faid Point a fmall birth, and you fhall 
have two, three, and four fathoms at low water ; 
and when you come one mile from the Point 
aforefaid, fteer over directly to the N. E. Point, 
and you fhall have fix or feven fathom all the 
way. Within the N. W. Point is good Anchor- 



12 Hilton } s Voyage of Discovery 

ing: you ihall have five fathoms fair aboard the 
fhoar: and you fhall have five, fix, feven, and 
eight fathoms, fayling all along upon the River, 
ten leagues, and a large turning Chanel : It flows 
here S. E. and N. W. feven foot and a half, and 
eight foot at common Tydes. The River Ghrandy, 
or as the Indians call it Ediftow, lyes fix leagues 
or thereabouts from the River Jordan, and feems 
to be a very fair opening : but becaufe the chief 
Indian of that Place was on board us, and the 
Countrey all in Arms, we not knowing how the 
winde might croffe us, it was not thought fit to 
flay there : But fome of thofe Englijh that had 
lived there, being Prifoners, say, that it is a very 
fair and goodly River, branching into ieveral 
branches, and deep, and is freih water at low 
Tide within two leagues of the Mouth ; it Teem- 
ing to us as we paffed by, a good entrance large 
and wide, lat. 32 deg. 40 min. in or thereabouts. 
Now our underftanding of the Land of Port- 
Royal, River Jordan, River Grandie, or Ediftoio, 
is as folio weth : The Lands are laden with large 
tall Oaks, Walnut and Bayes, except facing on 
the Sea, it is mod Pines tall and good : The Land 
generally, except where the Pines grow, is a good 
Soyl, covered with black Mold, in fome places a 
foot, in fome places half a foot, and in other 
places leffe, with Clay underneath mixed with 
Sand ; and we think may produce any thing as 
well as moft part of the Indies that we have feen. 



To the Coast of Florida. 13 

The Indians plant in the worft Land, becanfe 
they cannot cut down the Timber in the beft, and 
yet have plenty of Corn, Pumpions, Water- 
Mellons, Mufk-mellons : although the Land be 
over-grown with weeds through their lazineffe, 
yet they have two or three crops of Corn a year, 
as the Indians themfelves inform us. The Country 
abounds with Grapes, large Figs, and Peaches ; 
the Woods with Deer, Conies, Turkeys, Quails, 
Curlues, Plovers, Teile, Herons; and as the In- 
dians fay, in Winter, with Swans, Geefe, Cranes, 
Duck and Mallard, and innumerable of other 
water-Fowls, whofe names we know not, which 
lie in the Rivers, Marfhes, and on the Sands: 
Oyfters in abundance, with great ftore of Mufcles ; 
A fort of fair Crabs, and a round Shel-fifh called 
Horfe-feet- The Rivers ftored plentifully with 
Fifh that we faw play and leap. There are great 
Marfhes, but moft as far as we faw little worth, 
except for a Root that grows in them the Indians 
make good Bread of. The Land we fuppofe is 
healthful ; for the Engli/h that were caft away 
on that Coaft in July laft, were there moft part 
of that time of year that is fickly in Yivginia; 
and notwithftanding hard ufage, and lying on 
the ground naked, yet had their perfect healths 
all the time. The Natives are very healthful ; 
we faw many very Aged amongft them. The Ayr 
is clear and fweet, the Countrey very pleafant 
and delightful : And we could wilh, that all they 
+ 



14 Hilton 1 s Voyage of Discovery 

that want a happy fettlement, of our Englijh 
Nation, were well transported thither, &c. 

FRom Tuefday the 29th of September, to Fri- 
day the second of October, we ranged along 
the (hoar from the lat. 32 deg. 20 min. to 
the lat. 33 deg. 11 min. but could difcern no En- 
trance for our Ship, after we had paffed to the 
Northwards of 32 deg. 40 min. On Saturday the 
third inftant, a violent ftorm came up, the winde 
between the North and the Eaft ; which Eafterly 
windes and fowl weather continued till Monday 
the 12th. By reafon of which ftornis and fowl 
weather, we were forced to get off to Sea to 
fecure our felves and (hip, and were horfed by 
reafon of a ftrong Current, almoft to Cape Hat- 
terajfe in lat. 35 deg. 30 min. On Monday the 
12th aforefaid we came to an Anchor in feven 
fathom at Cape Fair-Road, and took the Merid- 
ian-Altitude of the Sun, and were in the lat. 33 
deg. 43 min. the winde continuing ftill Eafterly, 
and fowl weather till Ihurfday the 15th inftant ; 
and on Friday the lGth, the winde being at N. W. 
we weighed, and failed up Cape Fair-River, fome 
four or five leagues, and came to an Anchor in 
fix or feven fathom ; at which time feveral In- 
dians came on Board, and brought us great ftore 
of Frefh-fifh, large Mullets, young Baff, Shads, 
and feveral other forts of very good well-tafted 
Fifh. On Saturday the 17th, we went down to 



To the Coast of Florida. 1 5 

the Cape to fee the Englifh Cattle, but could not 
nude them, though we rounded the Cape : And 
having an Indian Guide with us, here we rode 
till the 24th inftant ; the winde being againft us, 
we could not go up the River with our Ship ; in 
which time we went on fhoar, and viewed the 
land of thofe quarters. On Saturday we weighed, 
and fayled up the River fome four leagues or 
thereabouts. Sunday the 25th, we weighed 
again, and towed up the River, it being calm, 
and got up fome fourteen leagues from the Har- 
bours mouth, where we mored our Ship. On 
Monday the 26 October, we went down with the 
Yoal to Necoes, an Indian Plantation, and viewed 
the Land there. On Tuefday the 27th, we rowed 
up the main River with our long-Boat and twelve 
men, fome ten leagues or thereabouts. On Wed- 
nefday the 28th, we rowed up about eight or 
nine leagues more. Thurfday the 29th was foul 
weather, of much rain and winde, which forced 
us to make Huts, and lye ftill. Friday the 30th, 
we proceeded up the main River, feven or eight 
leagues. Saturday the 31, we got up three or 
four leagues more, and came to a Tree that lay 
athwart the River : but becaufe our Provifions 
were neer fpent, we proceeded no further, but 
returned downward the remainder of that day ; 
and on Monday the fecond of November, we came 
aboard our Ship. Tuefday the third, we lay ftill 
to refrefh ourfelves. On Wednefday the 4th, we 



16 Hilton 1 s Voyage of Discovery 

went five or fix leagues up the River to fearcli a 
branch that ran out of the main River towards 
the N. W. In which branch we went up five or 
fix leagues : not liking the Land, we returned on 
board that night about midnight, and called that 
place Swampy-branch. Thurfday the fifth in- 
ftant, we ftaid aboard; on Friday the 6th we 
went up Greens River, the mouth of it being 
againft the place we rode with our Ship. On 
Saturday the 7th, we proceeded up the faid River 
fome fourteen or fifteen leagues in all, and found 
that it ended in feveral fmall branches ; the Land 
for the mod part being marlhy and fwamps, we 
returned towards our lhip, and got aboard in the 
night : Sunday the 8th inftant we lay dill, and on 
Monday the 9th we went again up the main 
River, being well provided with Provifions and 
all things neceffary, and proceeded upwards till 
Thurfday noon 12th inftant, at which time we 
came to a place where two Iilands were in the 
middle of the River, and by reafon of the crook- 
edneffe of the River at that place, feveral Trees 
lay athwart both branchs, which flopped up the 
paffage of each branch, that we could proceed 
no further with our Boat ; but we went up the 
River side by land some three or four miles, and 
found the River to enlarge it felf: So we re- 
turned, leaving it as far as we could fee up a 
long reach running N. E. we judging our felves 
from the Rivers mouth North near fifty leagues ; 



To the Coast of Florida. 17 

we returned, viewing the Land on both fides the 
River, and found as good tracts of land, dry, well 
wooded, pleafant and delightful as we have feen 
any where in the world, with great burthen of 
Graffe on it, the land being very level, with fteep 
banks on both fides the River, and in fome places 
very high, the woods ftor'd with abundance of 
Deer and Turkies every where ; we never going 
on (hoar, but faw of each alfo Partridges great 
ftore, Cranes abundance, Conies, which we faw 
in feveral places ; we heard feveral Wolves howl- 
ing in the woods, and faw where they had torn 
a Deer in pieces. Alfo in the River we faw great 
ftore of Ducks, Teile, Widgeon, and in the woods 
great flocks of Parrakeeto's ; the Timber that 
the woods afford for the moft part confifting of 
Oaks of four or live forts, all differing in leaves, 
but all bearing Akorns very good : we meafured 
many of the Oaks in feveral places, which we 
found to be in bigneffe fome two, fome three, 
and others almoft four fathoms ; in height, be- 
fore you come to boughs or limbs, forty, fifty, 
fixty foot, and fome more, and thofe Oaks very 
common in the upper parts of both Rivers ; Alfo 
a very tall large Tree of great bigneffe, which 
fome do call Cyprus, the right name we know not, 
growing in Swamps. Likewife Walnut, Birch, 
Beech, Maple, Afh, Bay, WiUough, Alder and 
Holly ; and in the lowermoft parts innumerable 
of Pines, tall and good for boards and mafts, 

5 



18 Hilton 1 s Voyage of Discovery 

growing for the inoft part in barren Tandy ground, 
but in fome places up the River in good ground, 
being mixed amongft Oaks and other Timber. 
We faw feveral Mulberry-trees, multitudes of 
Grape-Vines, and fome Grapes which we did eat 
of. We found a very large and good tracft of 
Land on the N.W. fide of the River, thin of Tim- 
ber, except here and there a very great Oak, 
and full of Graffe, commonly as high as a mans 
middle, and in many places to his moulders, 
where we faw many Deer and Turkies ; alio one 
Deer with very large horns, and great in body, 
therefore called it Stag-Park : it being a very 
pleafant and delightful place, we travelled in it 
feveral miles, but faw no end thereof. So we re- 
turned to our Boat, and proceeded down the 
River, and came to another place fome twenty 
five leagues from the Rivers mouth on the fame 
fide, where found a place no leffe delightful than 
the former; and as far as we could judge, both 
Tradts came into one. This lower place we called 
Rocky-point, becaufe we found many Rocks and 
Stones of feveral bigneffe upon the Land, which 
is not common. We fent our Boat down the 
River before us; our felves travelling by Land 
many miles, were fo much taken with the pleaf- 
antneffe of the Land, that travelling into the 
woods fo far, we could not recover our Boat and 
company that night. On Sunday the morrow 
following we got to our Boat, and on Monday 



To the Coast of Florida. 19 

the 16th November, we proceeded down to a 
place on the Eaft-fide of the River fome twenty 
three leagues from the Harbours mouth, which 
we call'd Turkie- Quarters, becaufe we killed 
feveral Turkies thereabouts. We viewed the 
Land there, and found fome tracls of good Land, 
and high, facing upon the River about one mile 
inward, but backwards fome two miles all Pine- 
land, but good pafture-ground : we returned to 
our Boat, and proceeded down fome two or three 
leagues, where we had formerly viewed, and 
found it a tradt of as good Land as any we have 
feen, with as good Timber on it. The banks of 
the River being high, therefore we called it High- 
Land Point. Having viewed that, we proceeded 
down the River, going on (hoar in feveral places 
on both fides, it being generally large Marfhes, 
and many of them dry, that they may more fitly 
be called Medows : the wood-land againfl them 
is for the moft part Pine, and in fome places as 
barren as ever we faw Land, but in other places 
good Pafture-ground: And on Tuefday the 17th 
inftant, we got aboard our Ship, riding againfl 
the mouth of Green's River, where our men are 
providing wood, and fitting the Ship for the Sea : 
In the interim, we took fome view of the Land 
on both fides of the River there, finding fome 
good Land, but more bad, and the belt not com- 
parable to that above. Friday the 20th inftant 
was foul weather, yet in the Afternoon we 



20 Hilton 1 s Voyage of Discovery 

weighed, and went down the River fome two 
leagues, and came to Anchor againft the mouth 
of Hilton's River, and took fome view of the Land 
there on both fides, which appeared to us much 
like unto that at Green's River. Monday 23. we 
went with our Long-boat well victualled and 
manned up Hilton's River; and when we came 
three leagues or thereabouts up the faid River, 
Ave found this and Green's River to come into 
one, and fo continued for four or five leagues, 
which caufeth a great Ifland betwixt them. We 
proceeded flill up the River, till they parted 
again, keeping up Hilton's River on the Lar- 
board fide, and foUowed the faid River five or 
fix leagues further, where we found another 
large branch of Green's River to come into Hil- 
ton's, which maketh another great Ifland. On 
the Star-board fide going up, we proceeded ftil 
up the River fome four leagues, and returned, 
taking a view of the Land on both fides, and 
now judge our felves to be from our Ihip fome 
eighteen leagues W. and by W. One league be- 
low this place came four Indians in a Canoa to 
us, and fold us feveral bafkets of Akorns, which 
we fatisfied for, and fo left them; but one of 
them followed us on the (hoar fome two or three 
miles, till he came on the top of a high bank, 
facing on the River, we rowing underneath it, 
the faid Indian fhot an Arrow at us, which miffed 
one of our men very narrowly, and ftuck in the 



To the Coast of Florida. 21 

upper edge of the Boat, which broke in pieces, 
leaving the head behind. Hereupon we prefent- 
ly made for the fhoar, and went all up the bank 
except four to guide the Boat; we fearched for 
the Indian, but could not finde him : At last we 
heard fome fmg further in the Woods, which we 
thought had been as a Chalenge to us to come 
and fight them. We went towards them with 
all fpeed, but before we came in fight of them, 
we heard two guns go off from our Boat, where- 
upon we retreated with all fpeed to fecure our 
Boat and Men : when we came to them we found 
all well, & demanded the reason of their firing 
the Guns: they told us that an Indian came 
creeping on the Bank as they thought to fhoot 
at them, therefore (hot at him a great diftance 
with Swan-fhot, but thought they did him no 
hurt, for they saw him run away. Prefently 
after our return to the Boat, while we were thus 
talking, came two Indians to us with their Bows 
and Arrows, crying Bonny, Bonny: we took 
their Bows and Arrows from them, and gave 
them Beads, to their content. Then we led them 
by the hand to the Boat, and fhewed them the 
Arrow-head fucking in her fide, and related to 
them the bufmeffe ; which when they underftood, 
both of them manifefled much forroAv, and made 
us underftand by fignes, that they knew nothing 
of it : fo we let them go, and marked a Tree on 
the top of the bank, calling the place Mount- 

6 



22 Hilton 1 s Voyage of Discovery 

Skerry. We looked up the River as far as we 
could difcern, and fa w that it widened it felf, and 
came running diredtly down theCountrey: So 
we returned, and viewed the Land on both fides 
the River, finding the banks fteep in fome places, 
but very high in others. The banks fides are 
generally Clay, and as fome of our company doth 
affirm, fome Marie. The Land and Timber up 
this River is no way inferior to the beft in the 
other, which we call the main River : So far as 
we difcovered, this feems as fair, if not fairer 
than the former, and we think runs further into 
the Countrey, becaufe there is a flrong Current 
comes down, and a great deal more drift-wood. 
But to return to the bufmefs of the Land and 
Timber : We faw feveral plats of Ground cleared 
by the Indians after their weak manner, com- 
paffed round with great Timber-Trees; which 
they are no ways able to fall, and fo keep the 
Sun from their Corn-fields very much ; yet never- 
theless we faw as large Corn-ftalks or bigger, 
than we have feen any where elfe : So we pro- 
ceeded down the River, till we found the Canoa 
the Indian was in who (hot at us. In the morn- 
ing we went on (hoar, and cut the fame in pieces : 
the Indians perceiving us coming towards them, 
run away. We went to his Hut, and pulled it 
down, brake his pots, platters, and fpoons, tore 
his Deer-fldns and mats in pieces, and took away 
a bafket of Akorns : So we proceeded down the 



To the Coast of Florida. 23 

River two leagues, or thereabouts, and came to 
another place of Indians, bought Akorns and 
some Corn of them, and went downwards two 
leagues more : at last we efpied an Indian peep- 
ing over a high bank : we held up a Gun at him ; 
and calling to him, said, Skerry: presently fev- 
eral Indians appeared to us, making great fignes 
of friendfhip, saying, Bonny, Bonny, and running 
before us, endeavouring to perfwade us to come 
on (hoar; but we anfwered them with ftern 
countenances, and said, Skerry, taking up our 
guns, and threatning to ihoot at them; but they 
cryed (till Bonny, Bonny : And when they faw 
they could not prevail, nor perfwade us to come 
on fhoar, two of them came off to us in a Canoa, 
one padling with a great Cane, the other with 
his hand ; they came to us, and laid hold of our 
Boat, fweating and blowing, and told us it was 
Bonny on fhoar, and at last perfwaded us to go 
afhoar with them. As foon as we landed, fever- 
al Indians, to the number of near forty luffcy men, 
came to us, all in a great fweat, and told us 
Bonny: we (hewed them the Arrow-head in the 
Boats-fide, and a piece of the Canoa which we 
had cut in pieces: the chief man of them made 
a large Speech, and threw Beads into our Boat, 
which is a figne of great love and friendfhip ; 
and made us to underftand, when he heard of 
the Affront which we had received, it caufed 
him to cry : and now he and his men were come 



24 Hilton' ] s Voyage of Discovery 

to make peace with us, making fignes to us that 
they would tye his Arms, and cut off his head 
that had done us that abufe ; and for a further 
teftimony of their love and good will towards us, 
they prefented to us two very handfom proper 
young Indian women, the tallest that we have 
feen in this Countrey ; which we fupposed to be 
the Kings Daughters, or perfons of fome great 
account amongft them. Thefe young women 
were ready to come into our Boat ; one of them 
crouding in, was hardly perfwaded to go out 
again. We prefented to the King a Hatchet 
and feveral Beads, alfo Beads to the young wo- 
men and to the chief men, and to the reit of the 
Indians, as far as our Beads would go : they 
promifed us in four days to come on board our 
Ship, and fo departed from us. When we left 
the place, which was prefently, we called it 
Mount-Bonny, becaufe we had there concluded 
a firm Peace. Proceeding down the River two 
or three leagues further, we came to a place 
where were nine or ten Canoa's all together ; we 
went afhoar there, and found feveral Indians, but 
mod of them were the fame which had made 
Peace with us before : We made little flay there, 
but went direclly down the River, and came to 
our Ship before day. Thuvfday the 26th of No- 
vember, the winde being at South, we could not 
go down to the Rivers mouth : but on Friday the 
27th, we weighed at the mouth of Hilton's River, 



To the Coast of Florida. 25 

and got down one league towards the Harbours 
mouth. On Sunday the 29th, we got down to 
Crane-I/Iand, which is four leagues or there- 
abouts above the Entrance of the Harbours 
mouth. Now on Tuefday the firft of December, 
we made a pur chafe of the River and land of 
Cape-Fair ; of Wattcoofa, and fuch other Indians 
as appeared to us to be the chief of thofe parts : 
they brought us (tore of Frefh-fifh aboard, as 
Mullets, Shads, and other very good Fifh: this 
River is all Predi-water fit to drink. Some eight 
leagues within the mouth, the Tide runs up about 
thirty-five leagues, but flops and rifeth a great 
deal farther up ; it flowes at the Harbours mouth 
S. E. and N.W. fix foot at Neap-Tides, and eight 
foot at Spring-Tides : the Chanel on the Eafter- 
fide by the Cape-JIioar is the belt, and lyes clofe 
aboard the Cape-land, being three fathoms at 
High-water, in the (hallowed; place in the Chanel 
JLift at the Entrance; but as foon as you are paft 
that place half a Cables length inward, you (hall 
have fix or (even fathoms, a fair turning Chanel 
into the River, and fo continuing four or five 
leagues upwards ; afterwards the Chanel is more 
difficult, in fome places fix or (even fathoms, four 
or five, and in other places but nine or ten foot, 
efpecially where the River is broad. When the 
River comes to part, and grows narrow, there 
is all Chanel from fide to fide in mod; places ; in 
fome places you (hall have five, fix, or feven fath- 

7 



26 Hilton } s Voyar/e of Discovery 

oms, but generally two or three, Sand and Oaze. 
We viewed the Cape-land, and judged it to be 
little worth, the Woods of it ihrubby and low, 
the Land fandy and barren ; in fome places Graff 
and Rufhes, and in other places nothing but clear 
fand: a place fitter to ftarve Cattel in our judge- 
ment, than to keep them alive ; yet the Indians, 
as we underftand, keep the Engli/h Cattle down 
there, and fuffer them not to go off the faid Cape, 
as we fuppofe, becanfe the Conntrey-7/^Yms fhall 
have no part with them, and as we think, are 
fallen out about them, who ihall have the great- 
eft fhare. They brought aboard our Ship very 
good and fat Beef feveral times, which they could 
afford very reafonable ; alfo fat and very large 
Swine, good cheap penny-worths: but they may 
thank their friends of New-England, who brought 
their Hogs to fo fair a Market. Some of the 
Indians brought very good Salt aboard us, and 
made fignes, pointing to both fides of the Rivers 
mouth, that there was great ftore thereabouts. 
We faw up the River feveral good places for the 
fetting up of Corn or Saw-mills. In that time as 
our bufmeffe called us up and down the River 
and Branches, we kill'd of wild-fowl, four Swans, 
ten Geefe, twenty nine Cranes, ten Turkies, forty 
Duck and Mallard, three dozen of Parrakeeto's, 
and fix or feven dozen of other fmall Fowls, as 
Curlues and Plovers, &c. 



To the Coast of Florida. 27 

T 71 Tllereas there was a Writing left in a Poft 
V V at the Point of Cape Fair River, by 
thofe New-Fngland-men that left Cattel 
with the Indians there, the Contents whereof 
tended not only to the difparagement of the Land 
about the faid River, but alfo to the great dif- 
couragement of all thofe that (hould hereafter 
come into thofe parts to fettle : In Anfwer to that 
fcandalous writing, We whofe names are under- 
written do affirm, That we have feen facing on 
both fides of the River, and branches of Cape- 
Fair aforefaid, as good Land, and as well Tim- 
bered, as any we have feen in any part of the 
world, fufficient to accommodate thoufands of 
our Englijli Nation, lying commodioufly by the 
faid River. 

On Friday the 4th of December, the wiude 
being fair, we put out to Sea, bound for Barba- 
does; and on the 6th day of January, lGGf, we 
came to Anchor in Carli/le-Bscy ; and after fever- 
al known apparent dangers both by Sea and 
Land, have now brought us all in fafety to our 
long-wifh'd-for and much defired Port, to render 
an Accompt of our Difcovery, the verity of which 

we aver. 

Anthony Long. 

William Hilton. 

Peter Fabian. 



28 Hilton 1 s Voyage of Discovery 




A Copy of the Spany 'arris firft Letter. 



I Am come to this Town of Infidel-Indians, to 
feek fome EngliJJi, which my Governour and 
Captain-General, Don Alonfo de Arangows, de 
Colls, Cavallier, and Knight of the Order of St. 
James, for his Majefcy, had notice that there was 
a Ship loft in that Port in which you are, that 
the men might not run any hazard of their lives, 
as thofe with me here have. Don Adeleyers, 
with the Governor of the Garifon of S. Auguftine, 
are gone to ran fome and free the Subjects of the 
King your Master, CHARLES the Second: 
Wherefore I aduife you, that if thefe Indians 
(although Infidels and Barbarians) have not 
killed any of the Chriflians, and do require as a 
gift or courtefie for thofe four men, four Spades, 
and four Axes, fome Knives, and fome Beads, 
and the four Indians which you have there, you 
deliver them, and that for their fakes that fhall 
fayl on this Coaft : you may fend a Boat, who 
when fhe comes athwart the Port of St. Ellens, 
may hoift an Ancient twice or thrice, and I will 



To the Coast of Florida. 29 

do the fame. The fhortneffe of the difpatch I 
defire, for I want provifion for niy Soldiers, and 
the way is large. Your Servant defires you 
would give me a fpeedy Anfwer ; and what may 
be done in your fervice, I fhall do very willingly : 
And if you have none that can interpret the 
Spanijh Tongue, you may write in your own, for 
here are your Countrey-men that can underftand 
it : but if you can, let it be in Spanijh. 

From the Capt. Alanfo Argucles. 

From St. Ellens the 22 o/Sep- 
temb. 1663. 

The Copies of our Letters fent to the 
English and Spaniards at St. Ellens, with the 
Anfwer of Mr. William Davis, and the Spaniards 
alfo, here inclofed. 

Loving Friends and Country-men, 

\T\ 7Ee are come up the River with our Ship, 
V V and are refolved to come through by 
Oombibeh, to St. Ellens, and to get you 
away by fair means, or otherways. If that will 
not do, we have five of your company already : 
and the Captain of Ediftow, and one more are 
Prisoners with us, whom we intend to keep till 
we have refcued all the Englijh Prifoners out of 
the hands of the Indians. Send us word by this 
Bearer what you know concerning the Span- 



30 Hilton 1 s Voyage of Discovery 

yards- for the youth Morgan tells us that the 
Spanyards are come with Soldiers to fetch you 
away. Fail not to inform us how things are. 
Nothing elfe at prefent, but remain 

Your friend and Servant 
WILL. HILTON. 

From on Board the Adventure, 
Septemb. 21. 1663. 

An Anfwer to the Spanyards Letter 

not underftood. 

Honoured Sir, 

W r Hereas wee received a Letter from you, the 
Contents whereof we underftand not, be- 
caufe none of us could read Spanijh : Our 
bufineffe is to demand and receive the Englijh 
Prifoners from the hands of the Indians, and 
then they fhall have their Indians which we have 
detained on Board, with fatisfaction for their 
pains. We underftand not at prefent that we 
have any bufineffe with you. Not elfe at prefent, 
but remain 

Your Friend and Servant in what I may, 

Will. Hilton, 

From on Board the Adventure, 

Septemb. 23. 1663. 
To his honoured Friend the SpanijTz 
Captain at St. Miens. 



To the Coast of Florida. 31 

An Anfwer to Mr. William Davis his 

Lines written to us in the Spanyard^s Letter, Viz. 

Mr. William Davis, 

WEe received your Lines in the Spanijh Let- 
ter, but hear nothing of your coming to 
us. Let your Keepers fend you, and that 
without delay ; for you may affure them, That 
we will be gone, and carry the Indians away 
with us, except they fend the Englijh fuddenly on 
Board, and then (hall have their Indians upon 
our receipt of the Englifa. Not elfe at prefent, 
but thank the Spanijh Captain for the Pork and 
Venifon he fent us. Remain 

Your loving Friend 

Will . Hilton. 

From on Board the Adventure, 
September 24. 1GG3. 

To Mr. William Davis at St. Ellens. 

SIR, 

WEe have received your fecond Letter, and 
give you no Anfwer, for the Reafon men- 
tioned in our former Letter to you. Pleafe 
to inform the Indians, That if they bring not the 
EngliJJt Prifoners on Board us without further 
delay, we are refolved to carry their Indians we 
have on Board away : But if they will bring the 



32 Hilton } s Voyage of Discovery 

Engli/h, they (hall have theirs, with fatisfa<5tion. 
Alfo we thank you for your Venifon and Pork. 
Not elfe at prefent, but remain 

SIR, 
Your Friend and Servant in what I may 
Will. Hilton. 

From on Board the Adventure 
Septemb. 24. 1663. 

To his Honoured Friend, the Spanijk 
Captain at St. El fens. 

A Copy of the SpanyarcPs fecond Letter. 

MY Governour and Capt. General, as foon as 
he had News that a Ship, by Nation En- 
glijh, was loft in that Port in which you 
now are, fent me with Soldiers of the Garifon of 
St. Auguftine in Florida, as they have at other 
times done, to free them from death; for which 
caufe I came to this Port of St. Ellens, where I 
found all thefe Indians in a fright, fearing that 
you will do them fome mischief: So having found 
four men of thofe that were loft, I thought good 
to advife you, that you might carry them in your 
company, giving fome gifts to thofe Indians which 
they defire ; which is, four Spades, four Axes, 
fome Knives, and fome Beads. This they defire, 
not as payment, but only as an acknowledgment 



To the Coast of Florida. 33 

of a kindnefs for having saved their lives ; which 
they have always done as Naturals who have 
given their obedience to the King our Mafter. 
And they do alfo defire you to let go thofe four 
Indians which are there : You may fend a Boat 
when you difcover the Points of St. Ellens; may 
hoift an Ancient two or three times, and I will 
do the fame. I defire your Anfwer may be fo- 
dain ; for I am fcarce of Provifions, and the way 
is fomewhat long : and if you have no body who 
underflands Spanijh, you may write in Englijh, 
for here are your Countreymen who will inter- 
pret it. 

By the Captian Alanfo Arguiles. 

From St. Ellens, Septemb. 
23. 1G63. 




34 Hilton 1 s Voyage of Discovery 




Propofals made to all fuch Perfons as mall 
undertake to become the firft Setters on Rivers, Har- 
bours, or Creeks, whofe Mouth or Entrance is South- 
wards or Weftwards of Cape St. Romania in the Prov- 
ince of Carolina, and execute the lame at their own 
hazard and charge of Tranfportation, Ammunition, and 
Provifions, as is hereafter expreffed, &c. 



I. 



IMprimis, It is agreed and confented to by us 
Thomas Mudyford, and Peter Colleton, Ef- 
quircs, who are impowered by the Lords Pro- 
prietors to treat in their hehalf; That in confeder- 
ation of the good fervice which Captain Anthony 
Long, Captain William Hilton, and Mr. Peter 
Fabian have done in making fo clear a Dif cover y 
on that Coaft, They Jhall each of them enjoy to 
them and their Heirs for ever one thou/and Acres 
of Land apiece upon the /aid River, Harbour, or 
Creeks, on fuch places as they Jhall defire, not 
taken up before. 



To the Coast of Florida. 35 
II. 

Item, To Mafter Pyam Blowers, and Mafter 
John Hancock, five hundred Acres apiece in man- 
ner as afore/aid. 

III. 

Item, To all the Sea-men and Adventurers in 
the /aid Ship, one hundred Acres apiece in manner 
as afore/aid. 

IV. 

Item, To every per f on that hath fubfcribed and 
paid, or hath fubferihed and fhall pay within hvo 
moneths next after the Date hereof, unto the Treaf 
urer appointed by the Committee for defraying the 
Charge of the late Dif cover y ', and towards the 
publique Stock, five hundred Acres of Land, be- 
fides what they are otherwayes to receive and en- 
joy each for every thouj and pounds of Sugar, and 
fo for greater or leffer quantity proportionably , 
to pojfejfe and enjoy the fame in manner as afor- 
faid- the faid Adventurers having promifed, That 
the feverall and refpective Perfons above-intended, 
fhall within five years next enfuing, have one Per- 
fon white or black, young or old, tranf ported at 
their Charge as aforefaid, on that or fome other 
parcel of Land in the Province, for every hun- 
dred of Acres of L?iad that is or fJiall be due to 
them for their adventures as aforefaid: But when 



36 Hilton 1 s Voyage of Discovery 

once taken up, to fettle the fame within one year 
after it is once taken up, or lofe the Land. 

V. , 

Item, To every Perfon that goes, or fends an 
Agent at his or their own coft with the firfi Ship 
or Fleet, or within fix weeks next after the firfi 
Ship or Fleet thatfhall be fet out from this If and 
(none to be accompted as firfi Setters but fuch as 
do fend in the firfi Fleet) Armed tvilh a good Fire- 
lock, ten pounds of Powder, and twenty pounds of 
Bullet, or Lead, and Victualled for fix months, 
fhall have one hundred Acres of Land, and the 
like quantity of Acres for every Man-servant that 
he carrieth fo armed and provided, to the perfon 
at whofe charge they fhall be tranf ported as afore- 

faid. 

VI. 

Item, To every perfon that fhall fecond the firfi 
undertakers, that is to fay, fhall go within two 
months next after thofe that are accompted as firfi 
Setters, armed and provided as aforefaid, feventy 
Acres of Land, and feventy Acres for every Man- 
fervani that he or they fhall carry or fend Armed 
and provided as aforefaid. 

VII. 
Item, To every perfon provided as aforefaid, 



To the Coast of Florida. 37 

that fhdll go within two years after the fir ft under- 
takers, fifty Acres of Land, and as much to him 
or them for every Man-fervant he or they Jhall 
carry or fend, armed and provided as af ore/aid. 

VIII. 

Item, To every Free-woman above the age of 
twelve years, that ftiall go, or be carried thither 
within the firft five years, forty Acres of Land. 



IX. 



Item, To all Male-Children above the age of 
fourteen years, the fame quantity that is allowed 
to Free-men, and on the fame Conditions. 



Item, The Lords Proprietors will grant unto 
every Parifh one hundred Acres of Land for the 
Church and other p oblique ufes. 



XI. 



Item, To every perfon that hath fubfcribed, and 
fhall pay to the above-mentioned Difcovery, who 
fhallgo or fend an Agent within the fir ft five years 
next after the firft Sellers, forty Acres of Land- 
and as much to them for every Man-fervant they 



38 Hilton 's Voyage of Discovery 

Jhall carry or fend within that time armed and 
provided as afore/aid, and the like quantity for 
all others fo tranf porting iliemf elves or fervants 
within the jirft three years, who are not Sub/bri- 
bers. 

XII. 

Item, To every Man-fervant that fa all go with 
the fir ft undertakers, fifty Acres of Land; and to 
fuch as go with the fecond Adventurers thirty 
Acres, and for all other fervants thatftiallgo with- 
in the fir ft five years, twenty Acres, and for every 
Woman-fervant ten Acres, to become due at the 
Expiration of the fir ft Term of their fervilude in 
that Countrey. 

XIII. 

Item, To the Owner of every Negro-Man or 
Slave, brought thither to fettle within the fir ft year, 
twenty acres; and for every Woman-Negro or 
Slave, ten acres of Land; and all Men-Negro's, or 
ftaves after that time, and within the fir ft five 
years, ten acres, and for every Woman-Negro or 
ftave, five acres. 

XIV. 

Item, That all the before-mentioned parcels of 
Land given, or to be given, allotted or granted to 
any perfon or perfons whatfoever , fhall be held 



To the Coast of Florida. 39 

and enjoyed to them, their Heirs and AJfigns for 
ever, in free and common Soccage, according to the 
Tenure of East-Greenwich within the County of 
Kent, within the Kingdom of England {and not in 
Capite, or by Knights-fervice) paying as a fine 
once for all to the Lords Proprietors, or their 
Agents impowered to receive the fame, one half- 
penny per acre for every Acre of Land that is or 
Jhall be taken up as afore/aid, or the value of the 
/aid halfpenny per Acre, when the per/on who is 
to receive it Jhall receive his Deed or Copy of Re- 
cord for his Landfo taken up; and in lieu of all, 
and all manner of Rents, Services, Fines, Taxes 
and Impofitions whatfoever, one ear of Indian 
Corn for every hundred acres of Land fo taken 
up, at a certain time and place prefer ibed, if law- 
fully demanded. 

XV. 

Item, It is further agreed, That every per/on 
Jhall or may take up their Land, or any part there- 
of, where they please, in any place not before taken 
up: Provided they do therein fubmit to Juch 
Method as the Governour and Council for the time 
being Jhall judge mojljafe and convenient. 

XVI. 

Item, That the Lords Proprietors Jhall grant 
to the Free-Holders the Priviledge of choojing an 



40 Hilton's Voyage of Discovery. 

annual Affembly, wherein by the confent of the 
/aid Lords, or their Delegates, they Jhall be im- 
powered to make Lawes, and them confirm, pub- 
li/h, and abrogate, as in the great Charter is ex- 
preffed- and that the AJfembly may lawfully, 
without the confent of the Governour, complain to 
the faid Lords offuch Grievances as lye upon the 
People. 

XVII. 

Item, That forafmuch as the Lords Proprie- 
tors or their Delegates may not be at all times there 
prefent, to confent to fuch Lawes as are or fhall 
be thought neceffary- In fuch Cafe all Lawes and 
Orders made by the Governour, Council and Af 
fembly, fhall be in force untill the Deny all thereof 
by the Lords Proprietors fhall be to them fignified 
under their Hands in Writing. 

XVIII. 

Item, That the faid Free-Holders fhall have 
the freedome of Trade, Immunity of Cuftomes, 
and Liberty of Confcience, and all other Privi- 
ledges made good unto them as amply and as fully 
as is at large expreffed in the great Charter 
granted to the faid Lords Proprietors from His 
Majefiy. 




"Navicuh Hotidmotttmep trtmcQ unius __ 
artorisijm ywffa, In finjmajmkshabet. 



REL ATIO N 



OF 



A Voyage on the Coaft of the 

PROVINCE OF CAROLINA, 



Formerly called Florida, in the Continent 

of the Northern America, from Charles River near 

Cape Feare, in the County of Clarendon, and the 
Lat. of 34 Deg: 



TO PORT ROY ALL, 

In the North Lat: of 32 Deg: begun 14th June, 1666; 



Performed by Robert 8a?idford, Efql£, 

Secretary and Chiefe Regifter for the Lords Proprie- 
tors of their County of Clarendon, in the Province aforefaid. 



Now firft printed from the original Shaftesbury Papers, Seftion IX, 
No. 7, Bundle 48 — Public Record Office, London. 



To the Right Hono'ble Edward, Earle of Clar- 
endon, Lord High Chancellor of England- 
George, Duke of Albemarle, Capt- -Gener'll of 
all His Maj'ties forces in the Kingdome of 
England, Scotland and Ireland and Mafter of 
the Horfe- Wm. Lord Craven; John Lord 
Berkeley; Anthony Lord Ashley, Chancellor 
of the ExcheqW; Sr. George Cartrett, Yice- 
Chamberlaine of His Ma?' ties Houfehold; Sr. 
Wm. Berkeley, Kn't, and Sr. John Colleton, 
Kn't and Baron! tt, The true and abfolute 
Lords Proprietors of all the Province of 
Carolina : 

Right Ho7iorble, 

IT is not prefumption but Duty that prefents 
this Narrative (however rude and imperfect) 
to foe Illuftrious, I had rather say a Conftel- 
lation than a Corporation ; the matter related was 
performed under your Aufpice in your Country 
and by your fervant. It meafures to you my 
Lords (as his foot did Hercules) the greatnes of 
your Soveraignes Guift, and to the World ye 
greatneff of your truft and favour with him. It 
(hews you in Profpeclave how lafting a Renowne 
you may adde to your already moft glorious 
Names. How boundles a Grandeur to your long- 
eft Pofterity. None indeede but God and the 
King can move your hearts to doe thefe great 
things for yourfelves and Nation. Yett that 
fuch a Notion be effected may and fhall bee the 
prayers of Right Hono'ble, 

Wilhall submijjion, readinejf & fidelity , 
Your Lord 'pprs fervant, 

Rob. Sandford. 



44 Sandford>s Voyage 





The Port Royal Difcovery. 

THE Right Hono'ble the Lords Proprietors 
of ye Province of Carolina, in profecntion 
of his facred Ma'ties pious in- 
tentions of planting and Civil- 
lizing thofe his towns and peo- 
ple of the Northerne America, 
which Neighbour Southward 
on Virginia (by fome called 
Florida) found out and difcovered by St Sebaf- 
tian Oabott in the yeare 1497 att the Charges of 
H. 7, King of England, &c, Conftituted Sir John 
Yeamans Baronett their Lt.-Generall, with ample 
Powers for placeing a Colony in fome of the 
Rivers to the Southward and Weftward of Cape 
St. Romana. Who departing from the Ifland 
Barbados in Oclob. 1665 in a Fly-boate of about 
150 Tonus, accompany ed by a fmall Friggatt of 
his owne and a Sloope purchafed by a Comon 
purfe for the fervice of the Colonyes. After they 
had beene feparated by a great ftorme att Sea 
(wherein the Friggatt loft all her Mafts and him- 



To the Province of Carolina. 45 

felfe had like to have foundred, and were all 
brought together againe in the beginning of 
November to an anchor before the Mouth of 
Charles River neere Cape Feare in ye County of 
Clarendon, part of the fame province newly 
begunn to be peopled, and within the Lt.-Gen'lls 
Commiffion). They were all blowne from their 
anchors by a mddaine violent Gl-uft; the Fly- 
boat Sr. John was in narrowly efcapeing the 
dangerous fhoales of the Cape. But this proved 
but a fhort differrence of their fate, ffor return- 
ing with a favourable wind to a fecond viewe of 
the entrance into Charles River, but (deftituted 
of all pilates) fave their own eyes (which the 
flattering gale that conducted them did alfoe 
delude by covering the rough vifage of their ob- 
jected dangers with a thick veile of fmooth 
waters) they ftranded their veffel on the Middle 
ground of the harbours mouth, to the Wefiward 
the Channel), where the Ebbe prefently left her, 
and the wind with its own multeplyed forces and 
the auxiliaryes of the tide of flood beat her to 
peeccs. 

The perfons were all faved by the Neighbour- 
hood of the fhore, but the greateft part of their 
provifion of Victualls, clothes, &c, and of the 
Magazine of Armes, powder and other Military 
furniture (hipped by the Lords Proprietors for 
the defence of the defigned Settlement perifhed 
in the waters. The Lt.-Gen'll purpofed at firft 



12 



46 SandforcPs Voyage 

imediately to repair his Friggatt (which together 
with the Sloope gote fafely into the River when 
the Fly-boate was driven off) and to fend her 
backe to Barbados for recruits whilest himfelfe 
in perfon attended the yffue of that difcovery 
which I and fome other Gentlemen offered to 
make Southwards in the Sloope. But when the 
great and growing neceffityes of the Englifh 
Colony in Charles River (heightened by this dif- 
aster) begann clamourouily to crave the ufe of 
the Sloope in a Voyage to Virginia for their 
fpeedy relief, Sr. John altered that his firlt reso- 
lution, and permitning the Sloope to goe to Vir- 
ginia retorned himfelfe to Barbados in his Frig- 
gatt. Yett that the defigne of the Southerne 
fettlement might not wholy fall, Hee conditioned 
with the freighters of the Sloope that in cafe 
fhee mifcarryed in her Virginia voyage they 
mould hire Capt. Edward Stanyavn's veffell 
(then in their harbour but bound for Barbados) 
to performe the Difcovery, and left a Comiffion 
with mee for the effecting it upon the retorne 
of the Sloope or Stanion, which fhould first 
happen. 

The Sloope in her comeing homeward from 
Virginia loaden with Victuall being ready by 
reafon of her extreme rottennes in her timbers 
to fmke was driven on fhoare by a ftorme in the 
night on Cape Lookeout (the next headland to the 
North and Eaftward of Cape Feare and about 



To the Province of Carolina. 47 

20 Le. diftant ; her men all faved except two, 
and with many difficulties brought by their 
boate through the great found into Albemarle 
River neere the Ifland Roanoake (within this 
fame Province of Carolina) to the Englifh plan- 
tation there. 

Capt. Stanyon in returning from Barbados, 
weakely maned and without any fecond to 
himfelfe driven to and agen on the Seas for 
many weekes by contrary winds and conquered 
with care, vexation and watching, loft his reafon, 
and after many wild extravagancyes leapt over- 
board in a frenzye, leaveing his fmall Company 
and Veffel (to the much more quiett and con- 
ftant, though but little more knowing and pru- 
dent conducft of a child, who yett affifted by a 
miraculous Providence after many wanderings 
brought her fafe to Charles River in Clarendon, 
her defired Port and Haven. 

I had now a Veffell to performe my Southerne 
Expedition but disfurnifhed of a Mafter and 
none here fkilled in Navigation to be perfuaded 
to the Voyage leaft, therefore a worke foe 
neceffary to promote the fettlement of this Prov- 
ince fhould be poorely left without an attempt, 
Myfelfe undertooke the Office, though noe better 
capacitated for it then a little reading in the 
Mathematicks had rendred mee with the helpe 
of a fewe obfervations made whilft a paffenger 
in fome late Sea Voyages to divert their tedium. 



48 SandforcVs Voyage 

On the 14th June 1GG6 1 entered on my charge, 
neere fix months after the date of my Com- 
miffion (foe long had theife various accidents 
detained mee), and on the 16th I left Charles 
River fayling Vfeilward with a faire gale att 
Eaft alongft that goodly and bold bay which on 
her two Capes, Feare and Romania as on two 
homes, procures all dangers of Flatts and (hoales 
from her owne more gentle bofoine. To make 
her yett more fignall I named her Berkly Bay 
from the Right Hon'ble John Lord Berkly and 
Sr. Wm. Berkly, two of her noble Lords Pro- 
prietors. 

I was accompanyed by Capt. George Gary, 
Lt. Samuell Ilarvy, Lt. Jofeph Woory, Ens. 
Henry Brayne, Ens. Richard Abrahall and Mr. 
Tho. Giles, and feverall other inhabitants of the 
County of Clarendon to ye number of 17 befides 
myfelfe (and the fhipps Company, which alas 
were but two men and a boy). With mee I 
tooke a fmale (halloope of fome three tonus be- 
longing to ye Lords Proprietors and appointed 
by the Lt.-Gen'll for that fervice, in which I 
placed Ens. Henry Brayne of fome Experience 
in Sea matters and two other men, foe referve- 
ing Eighteene of all forts in the biggeft veffel, 
whofe burden alfoe exceeded fcarce fiveteene 
Tonns. 

The 19th in the night it being very cloudy 
and darke and hee att our helme unawares 



To the Province of Carolina. 49 

bringing our Yeffell aftayes, we lost Company of 
our Shalloope. The 22d about 7 o'clock in the 
morning wee made the land and a fair River to 
Leward of us (haveing beene driven out to Sea 
by a Southwell winde from the 18th to the 21st, 
when a ftrong Eaflerly gale brought us in with 
the fhoare againe). Wee bore up to this River, 
and a great way kept our depth of fix and five 
fathom water without any figne of breakers. 
Att length it fhoaled, and Wee could plainely 
difcerne a breach in the Eaftern board. The 
River when wee first made it bore N. W. by W. 
of us, and by this time we had brought it to N. 
W. by N. : being therefore come into two fath. 
water and judging our felves on the banke of 
the vifible Eaflerne fhoalings Wee fleered more 
Wefterly and prefently deepened our Water to 
three fathom and foe upwards. But the wind 
being at Eafl and the Water ebbing, if wee had 
gonne more Weflerly Wee could not have luff 'd 
in ; Wherefore I refolved (Noe breach appearing 
all before mee) to runn in direclly with the River 
which nowe bore N. N.W., and in Handing in 
that Course one heeve of the lead Wee had but 
11 foot water, but the next was two fathom, 
which depth and betweene that and two fathom 
and a halfe continued a great while, and as we 
approached the Weflerne point of the Entrance 
it deepened foe that thofe aboard ye point Wee 
found five and fix fathom water and foe upwards 

L 3 



50 Sand for (J) s Voyage 

to nine fathom all the way in. It was halfe 
Ebbe at leaft when Wee entred, and I am very 
much perfuaded that if Wee had gonne foe farr 
Wefterly as till ye River had borne North or N. 
N. E., wee had found a much deeper Channell, 
for though it blew a very frefh gale att Eaft 
(which here is alongft fhore and somewhat upon 
the Wefterne Ooaft), yett we could not difcerne 
any appearance of Flatts at all to the Weftward. 
Being come about foure or five miles within 
the River I anchored, and a Canoa with two In- 
dians came prefently aboard mee and told mee 
that was the Country of Edijioh, and that the 
chiefe towne or feate of the Cafique was within 
on the Wefterne fhoare fomewhat lower downe 
towards the Sea, by which relation I gueffed this 
to be the fame River that fome Engli/h in a 
former difcovery mentioned by the name of 
Grandy (if it be not rather the French Gironde) 
and only fawe of att Sea but entered not; that 
it might noe longer remaine under an uncertaine 
diftindtion I called it from the name of my Lieu- 
tenant, Harvy Haven. It lyes about 32 d. 3 m. 
and the markes to knowe it by as you come from 
Sea are thefe : The North Eaft fide is a bluffe- 
land, rounding from the River and ftretching 
Eaft into the Sea, hence a lodge of breakers runn 
out South before the Harbour's mouth, on which 
wee borrowed when wee made fuch fhoale water 
in our Entrance. The Southweft fide makes a 



To the Province of Carolina. 5 1 

fharpe lowe flat point bare of trees, a pretty way 
from the Entrance Weft, and then (hews a hani- 
mocke or two of thicke fhrubby trees. From 
this point the Coaft tends S. W. and then W. S.W. 
Juft within the Entrance is a fhewe of a faire 
Creeke on the Starboard fide and another on the 
Weft or larbord fide. Almoft opofite from the 
uper fide of the Eaft fide Creeke a Marfh Ifiand 
runns out Weft and Southerly almoft croff the 
River. Edged to the Seaward with a banke of 
Oyfter fhells, difcernable a good way to Sea as 
you come from the Northward, and particularly 
meett with two lowe trees which in ye offing 
and before the Oyfter banke is difcovered feeme 
as Yefieble riding within the River. It flowes 
here Eaft and Weft neere eight foote perpendicu- 
lar at fpring tides. The Woods on each fide en- 
tring, to us feemed to confift moft of live Oake, 
the land levell, of an habitable height generally, 
with fteepe redd bankes here and there appeare- 
ing over the Marfhes, on which in many places 
wee could fee the fields of Maiz greenly nonfil- 
ing. 

The next clay, being the 23rd June, I went with 
my boate into a Creek on the Eaft fhoare oppo- 
fite to where the Veffell rode, a very faire and 
deepe Creeke or River goeing North and Eafterly 
to appearance a long way. Being gone about 
a mile up I landed and, according to my inftruc- 
tions, in prefence of my Company took a formall 



52 SandforcVs Voyage 

poffeffionby turffe and twigg of that whole Coun- 
try from the Lat. of 36 deg. North to 29 d. South 
and Weft to the South Seas by the name of the 
Province of Carolina, for Our Soveraigne Lord 
Charles the Second, King of England, and his 
heirs and fucceffors, and to the ufe of the Right 
Hono'ble Edward, Earle of Clarendon, George, 
Duke of Albermarle, William Lord Craven, 
John Lord Berkeley, Anthony Lord AJliley, Sr. 
George Cartrett, Sr. William Berkeley and Sr. John 
Colleton, their heirs and affigns, according to the 
Letters Patents of Our Soveraigne Lord the King. 
I ranged a little on either fide this Creeke, paffed 
through (everall fields of Maiz or Indian Corn, 
and following the guidance of a fmall path was 
brought to fome of the Indians Habitations. I 
found all the land that I paffed over, whether I 
went back or alongft the fide of the Creeke, a 
rich fatt foyle, black mould on the topp and un- 
der mixt with a foft redd marie (which and a 
ftiffe Clay) I after found the moft generall founda- 
tion of all the land. Noe Swamps, noe Sandy 
land. On the Outfide of the woods fome fingle 
fcattring Pine trees, but of the fort which is 
called Spruce. The reft and the Generallity of 
the timber being Oak, Maple, Afh, Wallnutt, 
Popler, Bayes, and the trees tall and flraight but 
not very large, growing clofer together than I 
have feene in any other part of this Province 
(the reafon I gueffe of their being fo flender). 



To the Province of Carolina. 53 

They are for the nioft part a well feized building 
timber, and fome fewe wee fawe of Oak and 
Maple that would beare three or foure foot over 
a very great burthen upon the ground; and 
much of it of fuch growth as wee knowe to be an 
excellent feeding for Cattle, and fo thick and 
high that it made our travelling very tedious. 

The next day I went fome miles up the maine 
River, and finding a creek alfoe on the Eaft fide 
which opened fome groves of Pine trees to our 
veiwe I putt in there purposely to fee that fort of 
Land, and found this if any the Swamps of this 
Country, for this Creeke carry ed us into Low 
broken Marines and Iflands of thefe pine trees 
lying almoft levell with the water. Wee landed on 
fome of them, found them iirme and dry (though 
feverall dayes and but the very night before wee 
had ftore of raine) and without any fignes of 
haveing ever beene overflowed. Yett they are 
feemingly foe feated as that great ftore of raine 
and frequent muft neceffarily ftand in them. 
The pines are all fpruce ; the foyle a fatt blacke 
mould with a fcarce difcernable mixture of fand 
founded alfoe either on marie or Clay as the 
other lands and bearing a very great burthen, 
and though on the outfide Wee fawe only pine 
trees yett being entered the Wood wee found 
alfo Oake and feverall other timber trees of a 
very large feize. Att a venture wee called thefe 
kind of lands pine fwamps. But I efteeme them 
14 



54 SandforoVs Voyage 

a very profitable tillable ground, and fome of 
my Company did after this fee an Indian planted 
field of this fort which they told me bore as tall 
Maiz as any. We rowed along way up the 
Creeke, and befides thefe fwamps fawe and 
ranged through very fpacious tracts of rich Oake 
land, and yett Wee were not paft the Oyfter 
bankes and frequent heepes of fhells, nor the 
fait water. Att my returne downe the River I 
fent fome afhoare to range on the Weft fide 
who did inftantly affirme that the lands there 
were of an equall excellency with the beft of 
thofe Wee had other where viewed, and that 
they believed itt an impoffible injunction to be 
putt to march to the end of the tracts. Being 
thcrfore well fatisfyed with the fucceffe of our 
difcovery hitherto, I wayed and flood downe the 
River intending a fhort flay att the landing 
place neereft to the cheife Seate of Edistone 
which the Indian had intreated of mee that they 
might with the leffer trouble come aboard mee 
to trade. When Wee were here a Capt. of the 
Nation named Shadoo (one of them which Hil- 
ton had carryed to Barbados) was very earneft 
with fome of our Company to goe with him and 
bye a night att their Towne, which he told us 
was but a fmale diflance thence. I being equally 
defirous to knowe the forme, manner and popu- 
loufneffe of the place, as alfoe what ftate the 
Cafique held (fame in all theire things preferring 



To the Province of Carolina. 55 

this place to all the reft of the Coaft) and foure 
of my Company, vizt : Lt. Harvy, Lt. Woory, 
Mr. Thomas Giles and Mr. Henry Woodward, 
forwardly offring themfelves to the fervice, have- 
ing alfoe fome Indians aboard mee who con- 
ftantly refided there night and day, I permitted 
them to go with this Shadoo. They retorned to 
me the next morning with great Comendations 
of their entertainment, but efpecially of the good- 
neffe of the land they marcht through and the 
delightfull fituation of the Towne. Telling mee 
withal that the CaJJique himfelfe appeared not 
(pretending fome indifpofition) but that his ftate 
was fupplyed by a Female, who received them 
with gladnes and Courtefy, placeing my Lt. 
Harvey on the feat by her. Their relation gave 
myfelfe a Curiofity (they alfoe affureing mee 
that it was not above foure Miles off) to goe and 
fee that Towne: And taking with mee Capt. 
George Cary and a file of men I marched thither- 
ward followed by a long traine of Indians, of 
whome fome or other always prefented himfelfe 
to carry mee on his fhoulders over any the 
branches of Creekes or plafhy corners of Marfhes 
in our Way. This walke through it tend to the 
Southward of the Weft, and confequently leads 
neere alongft the Sea-Coaft. Yett it opened to 
our veiwe foe excellent a Country both for Wood, 
land and Meadowes as gave Angular fatiffaftion 
to all my Company. Wee croffed one Meadowe 



56 SandforcPs Voyage 

of not leffe then a thoufand Acres, all firme good 
land and as rich a Soyle as any, clothed with a 
ffine graffe not paffing knee deepe, but very 
thick fett and fully adorned with yeallow flowers ; 
a pafture not inferiour to any I have feene in 
England. The wood land were all of the fame 
fort both for timber and mould with the beft of 
thofe we had ranged otherwhere, and without 
alteration or abatement from their goodnes all 
the way of our March. Being entered the Towne 
wee were conducted into a large houfe of a Cir- 
cular forme (their generall houfe of State). 
Right againft the entrance way a high feate of 
fufficient breadth for half a dozen perfons on 
which fate the CaJ/ique himfelfe (vouchfafeing 
mee that favour) with his wife on his right hand 
(fhee who had received thofe whome I had fent 
the evening before). Hee was an old man of a 
large ftature and bone. Round the houfe from 
each fide the throne quite to the Entrance were 
lower benches filled with the whole rabble of 
men, Women and children. In the center of this 
houfe is kept a conftant fire mounted on a great 
heape of Allies and furrounded with little lowe 
furrows. Capt. Cary and my felfe were placed 
on the higher feate on each fide the CaJ/ique, 
and prefented with fkinns, accompanied with 
their Ceremonyes of Welcome and friendfhipp 
(by ftroaking our fhoulders with their palmes 
and fucking in theire breath the whilft). The 



To the Province of Carolina. 57 

Towne is feituate on the fide or rather in the 
fldrts of a faire forreft, in which at feverall dif- 
tances are diverfe feilds of Maiz with many little 
houfes ftraglingly amongft them for the habita- 
tions of the particular families. On the Eaft 
fide and part of the South it hath a large prof- 
pect over meadowes very fpatious and delight- 
ful!. Before the Doore of their Statehoufe is a 
fpacious walke rowed with trees on both fides, 
tall and full branched, not much unlike to Elms, 
which ferves for the Exercife and recreation of 
the men, who by Couple runn after a marble 
bowle troled out alternately by themfelves, with 
fix foote ftaves in their hands, which they toffe 
after the bowle in their race, and according to 
the laying of their ftaves wine or loofe the beeds 
they contend for; an exercife approveable 
enough in the winter, but fome what too violent 
(mee thought) for that feafon and noonetime of 
the day. From this walke is another leffe afide 
from the round houfe for the children to fport 
in. After a fewe houres ftay I retorned to my 
Yeffell with a greate troope of Indians att my 
heeles, the old Cajfique himfelfe in the number, 
who lay aboard mee that night without the 
fociety of any of his people, fome fcores of 
which lay in boothes of their own imediate erec- 
con on the beach. 

While I lay here I had perfectly underftood 
that the River went through to another more 
is 



58 SandforcPs Voyage 

Wefterly, and was paffable for our Veffell, and 
alfoe that it was not much more then a tides 
worke through, this increafed my defire of paff- 
ing this way. Efpecially being perfuaded that 
this next River was Jordan {Hilton intimateing 
as much in his Journall and Mapp), Wherefore 
on the 27th of June, with the helpe of the tide 
of flood (the winde being contrary) I turned upp 
the River, fo having oportunity to try the whole 
Channell, which I found generally nice, and be- 
tween that and fix fathume deepe and bold home 
to each fhoare till wee were come about 10 miles 
from the Harbours mouth, when the River was 
contracted between the Marines. Yett here 
(except in one or two places where fome flatts 
narrowed the paffage) wee feldome found leff 
than five fathum water. The River being nar- 
rowe and varioufly winding, noe Gale would att 
any time ferve us long, fo that wee were forced 
for the mod part to towe through, and that often 
againft the winde, which proved very tedious ; 
nor could we paffe but by day, which with lying 
two tides a ground to ftopp fome Leakes, made it 
Sunday morning the firft of July before wee came 
into the next Wefterly River, and by it into the 
Sea again, though by the Travers I tooke of our 
Courfe I found it performable with light boates 
in one tide of flood and an Ebbe. The paffage 
is generally betweene drowned marfhes, a great 
breadth betweene the River and wood, efpecial- 



To the Province of Carolina. 59 

ly on the Ifland fide. On the Eaft or maine fide 
of the Marfh is much narrower, and in many 
places the River runns clofe under the banke of 
wood land, which wee had the oportunity to 
view, and found it to continue its excellency 
without change or diminution. The Indians 
alfoe that inhabitt the inner parts of it affureing 
us that it was all alike. 

The next Wefterly River is a pretty faire river, 
not leff broad than Harvey Haven, but its Chan- 
nel! more crooked, narrowe and fhallowe. The 
Weft fide of itt (as wee found afterwards) is but 
a necke of land, having a Creeke or two which 
feeme to goe through into the Weft River. It 
is for ye Generallity drowned Marfhes alfoe yett 
in fome places the banke is high, Crowned here 
and there with fmale ground of wood, confifting 
of dry plantable Land, furrounded a good fpace 
with a firme Meadowe or pafture Land, and pre- 
fenting moft delegable Seates for fummer re- 
ceffes. I did a little wounder to fee the Sea and 
noe apparent open paffage firft to the Weftward 
as I expected (ftill imaginning this to be the 
River Jordan). And when I was come out of 
it into the Sea, and fawe none of thefe marks 
which Hilton had prefixed to Jordan I was in a 
great puzzle to know where wee were gott. 
Nothing of the Coaft makeing like thofe drafts 
which Hilton had given of itt. But the winde 
firft dying into a calm and then again blowing 



GO Sand ford's Voyage 

contrary, with fome Menaces of an Evening 
ftorme, I putt into the River againe, and being 
anchored went a fhoare on the Eaft point of the 
Entrance, where I found Shadoo (the Oapt. of 
Edijiow, that had been with Hilton att Barbados, 
and feverall other Indians come from the Towne 
by Land to fee for our comeing forth), of whome 
I afked whether this was the River which Hilton 
was in. They told me noe, but itt was the next 
River. This affured mee that Jordan was yett 
further, and that Hilton had noe knowledge of 
this River and foe could not lay it downe. I 
demanded the name of this River. They told mee 
Edijlowe dill, and pointed all to be Edijlowe quite 
home to the fide of Jordan, by which I was in- 
ftrudted that the Indians affigne not their names 
to the Rivers but to the Country es and people. 
Amongft thefe Indians was one who ufed to come 
with the Southern Indians to trade with us att 
Charles Towne in Clarendon, and is knowne by 
the name ofCaJJique. Hee belongeth to the Coun- 
try of Kiwaha, and was very earned; with mee to 
goe with my Veffell thither, affuring mee a 
broad deep entrance, and promifmg a large wel- 
come and plentiful entertainment and trade. I 
told him I muft flrft goe to Port Roy all, and 
that in my retorne I would fee his Country ; but 
for his better fecurity hee would needs accom- 
pany mee to Port Roy all, and foe be my pilate 
(as hee made mee underftand) for their River. 



To the Province of Carolina. 6 1 

And presently hee fent away his companion to 
give notice to the cheife Cajfique of the place 
of my intention that hee might prepare for my 
conieing, and himfelf went on board with mee. 
That Evening blewe a ftorme of winde att S.W. 
(the frequent Somer ftorm on this Coaft) soe vio- 
lent that (though in the River) I durft not truft 
to my ordinary roade, but kept my fheet anchor 
under foot. 

With the rifeing of the morne I weighed and 
flood out to Sea, haveing an eafie gale at N. E. 
and a Tide of Ebbe. My Courfe out lay S. E. 
between two bankes of fhoales leffe then half a 
mile diftant. I chofe rather to keepe in the 
Sounding of the Eafterne then of the Weft Flatts, 
both becaufe the winde was Eafterly and foe I 
could beare up from them when I would, and 
alfoe becaufe haveing both in goeing out and 
comeing in the day before borrowed on the Weft- 
erne fhoalings. I fhould by this Eafterly Courfe 
take knowledge of the whole Channell. I was 
fcarce fhott a mile without the Eafternioft point 
of the Entrance but the winde wholly left mee, 
and the Ebbe (which the flatts on either fide 
makeing foe faire a land, I expected mould fett 
directly out to Sea) did runn with foe ftrong a 
Current over the Eafterne Sands that att the 
fecond heave of my lead I was caft from two 
fathum into fix foot water, and I drewe fine into 

a rowling Sea on the very edge of a breach. I 

16 



62 SandforoVs Voyage 

had no way but imediately to lett fall one anch- 
or, foe to flay the Veffell from precipitating on 
her mine whilft I might carry forth another 
anchor to warpe her into deepe water. The 
firft was prefently downe, but to gett out the 
fecond, which way to confirme our fafety, proved 
hughesly difficult. We lay in foe tumbling a 
Sea that our boate could not bee brought to our 
bowe without danger of ftaveing. I had but two 
men with mee entred to Sea labour, and the nioft 
fpirrited and aclive part of my Company were 
Gentlemen but little ufed to any labour. One of 
the Seamen inuft neceffarily ftay within board 
to deliver the Anchor and Cable that was to be 
carryed out. However the danger made every 
one give his beft helpe, and with much adoe the 
boate is brought to the bowe and the Anchor 
putt into her, but all our flrength could not 
ftemme that tide of Ebbe which had hurried us 
into the perill, and muft therefore be encountred 
in the way to bring us out, but a ftorne wee fall 
ao-ainft the whole force of our Oares. A fecond 
attempt is made with doubled flrength, but one 
breakes his Thoales, another his Oare, and nowe 
cumbred with our owne ufleffe number in a boate 
of fcarce equall feize wee became rather weaker 
then att firft, yett wee have no other way left 
but this to prevent our wreake (Heaven not 
yeilding us one breath of aide). Therefore to 
worke wee goe againe and refix our boate, but 



To the Province of Carolina. 63 

in theife paft fruitleff performances foe much time 
had beene fpent as had given the Ebbing tide a 
further advantage againft us, to the almofl per- 
fecting our deftruction, for by this time the Vef- 
fell by her repeated ftroakes as it were to refcue 
herfelf from thofe inhofpitable fands, gave us 
warning that her condition was well neere def- 
perate, yett out goes our boate againe, and God 
mercifully improved our ftrength to the getting 
forth an Anchor, though not much further then 
our Veffell's length, yett foe farre as brought us 
into two fathuin water, the banke on which wee 
had grounded proving fteepe to, by reafon of 
which wee the more eafily wrought ourfelves out 
of thofe unkinde embraces, and to the praife of 
the Almighty Deliverer were fnatcht from either 
an inftant clefcending into the open Gorge of the 
unfated Ocean, or the more flowe and painfull 
progreffe to our ends in a naked Expofure 
amongft Nations whofe piety it is to be barbar- 
ous and Gallantry to be inhumane. This ill en- 
tertainment made us brand the place with the 
name of Port Perill. It lyes in the Lat. of 32 d. 
25 m. or thereabouts ; and may be knowne when 
you are in the very Entrance by its Eafterne 
point, which is a lowe point of Land bare of trees 
or other growth fave a fewe ftragling fhrubbs, 
hence the River goe in N. N.W. and N.W. by N., 
a fmale Creeke running in Eaft juft within the 
point. The Coaft hence to the Eaftward tends 



G4 SandforcPs Voyage 

neereft E. by N. with Sandy bayes, and appeares 
even and bluffe, with trees when you are in the 
Offing. The Wefterne part of the Entrance lyes 
within as in a deepe bay, and beare from the 
Eaft point N. N. by W. or W. N.W. about two 
miles. It is a bare fandy bay, with a fewe 
fhrubbs next the River and thinne fcatring Pine 
trees. More Southerly the Coaft thence Weft- 
ward tends S. S.W., and all betweene this and 
Jordan fhewes with feverall hummacks like 
broken land or Iflands when you are off before 
itt, and efpecially next to Port Perill appears a 
wide opening as of a River, but it is nothing but 
bare fandy bayes or Oyfter bankes with lowe 
Marfhes behinde them. Jordan, or as wee now 
call it Yeamans Harbour from the name of our 
Lt.-Generall, opens about two Leagues to the 
Weftward of this between two bluffe lands, from 
the Weftermoft of which the North Eaft end of 
an Ifland (which from Capt. Cary wee named 
Cary Ifland) runns out E. S. E. and makes all the 
Coaft between it and Port Perill lye in the forme 
of a deepe bay. All between Yeamans Harbour 
and Port Perill are fhoales and foule ground, 
which from the Weft point of Port Perill runne 
out S. E. before the mouth of Yeamans Harbour 
to alinoft an even range with the outermoft face 
of Cary Ifland. From the Eaft point of Port 
Perill a rowe of breakers range themfelves par- 
rallell with the Wefterne fhoales, and were the 



To the Province of Carolina. 65 

fame which had like to have proved foe fatall to 
us at our corneing out, thence neere a League 
within Port Per'ill are three diftindt groves of 
trees elevated on pretty high bankes with lowe 
Marfhes in each intervall. They lye neere E. 
and "Weft, and when you are fo farre South and 
Wefterly as that the lowe fandy point off the 
Entrance wholy difappeares thefe fhewe them- 
felves as though the mouth of the River were 
betweene two bluffe lands with a round woody 
Ifland in the middle of itt. In fleering in if you 
come from the South and Weftward, keepe Eaft 
in three fathum water till you bring this feeming 
Ifland to touch the Eafterne bluffe, head and then 
ftand in N.W. by N. and N.W. with the head 
land, rather takeing the Soundings of the Eaft- 
erne flatt then of the W. if the winde will per- 
mitt, and you will have two fathum water little 
more or leffe all the way in att lowe water. As 
you come neere in you will difcerne the Eafterne 
lowe fandy point between you and that bluffe 
land and the fandy bayes along the Eafterne 
Coaft. Steering in with that fandy point and 
you will deepen and have five fathum water 
clofe aboard it. 

After we were gott cleare of the Sands, the 
Ebbe being donne and the Gale fpringing up, wee 
made Sayle and flood out to Sea, but wee were 
not gott farre ere the winde fhifted to South 
Eaft, and the flood fett foe ftrong into the uar- 

>7 



66 SandforcVs Voyage 

rowe bay that wee could neither board it out 
nor game to the Weftward of the Shoales which 
lye before Yeamans Harbour foe to runne in 
there, wherefore I came to an Anchor in three 
fathum water till the Ebbe at leaft might helpe 
us to worke out againft the winde. Whilft wee 
rode here wee efpyed to our great rejoyceing 
the Shalloope whome wee left the 19th of June 
in the night. She was come forth of Yeamans 
Harbour, and ftood to and againe before the 
Southwell Coaft, betweene it and Gary Ifland, to 
fhewe herfelf, not being able to come out to us 
for the fame reafon that kept us imbayed. Wee 
alioe fired a gunn and putt out our Colours to 
lett her knowe that wee fawe her, but could not 
gett to her for the flatts that interpofed. 

To goe into Yeamans Harbour Hilton's direc- 
tion is (and itt feemed true to mee as I lay be- 
fore itt, though I went not in) to goe in on the 
Weft fide of the ihoalings which are oppofite to 
the mouth thereof and which are contiguous 
with the fiatts of Port Perill, giving a ledge of 
breakers that lye before the Southweft Cape of 
the Entrance a fmale birth, and foe to fteere with 
the North Eaft land of the Entrance, and the 
leaft depth he fayes is two fathum at lowe water, 
and foe upwards to fix or feaven fathum when 
you come neere under the faid Eafterne Land. 
But I have underftood fince from Ens. Brayne 
that between that ledge of breakers which lye 



To the Province of Carolina. 67 

before ye Southweft Cape and the end of Gary 
Ifland is a Channell, which hee affirmes has about 
three fathum water where fhoaleft, which alfoe 
when yon are paft that ledge of breakers fett 
over to the North Eaft land of the Harbours 
mouth. The Ebbe now beginning to make wee 
weighed and plyed off to Sea with some difficul- 
ty, boarding it out of the dangerous and foule 
bay wherein till about three Leagues from fhoare 
the deepeft water wee could finde was fcarce 
three fathum, and in our turning wee generally 
into a fathum and a halfe on each fide, and this 
though it was high water a place to be attempted 
with Care when the winde is off as now it is. By 
night wee were gott cleere of all danger into fix 
and feaven fathum water. I flood off and on 
all night, and in the morning found my felf off 
the Sea board fide of Gary Ifland. In the mid- 
dle betweene two openings this Ifland fills up 
ahnoft the whole fpace betweene Yeamans Har- 
bour and Port Roy all. To feaward it makes an 
even fmooth land, pretty bluffe, with trees, and 
tends South Weft and North Eaft about three 
Leagues in length. It fhewes two finale open- 
ings neere equi-diftant from either end and from 
each other. From the Weftermoft opening att 
Weftward the Coaft is bold Five fathum water ; 
within half a league of the fhoare more Eafter- 
ly it is not foe deepe. 

The morning was Calme, and foe continued till 



68 SandforoVs Voyage 

about two a Clock afternoon, when a frefh gale 
fprang up att North Eaft, which in a fhort time 
opened to us Woory Bay and the mouth of Port 
Royall. Woory Bay, of Lt. Woory, is made by 
the South Wefterly end of Gary Ifland and the 
Southermoft Cape or head land without Port 
Royall, called from the firft difcoverer Hilton 
Head, which is the fartheft land in fight as you 
come from the North Eaft along by the end of 
Gary Ifiaiid, whence it beares neereft S.W. and 
is bluffe, with trees large and tall, which as you 
approach them feeme to looke their topps in the 
Sea. Port Royall mouth feeins opens in the 
bottome of this bay neereft to the Wefterne fide 
thereof; the opening is wide, little leffe then two 
leagues, the Weftermoft land of it running out 
almoft South to Hilton Head, and laying in like 
a halfe bent bowe. Makeing the Weft fide of 
Woory Bay from the Eaft fide of Port Royall the 
land tends away Eaft Northerly into Giles 
Streights (the paffage on the backfide of Gary 
Ifland named foe from Mr. Thomas Giles) and 
formes the bottum of Woory Bay. Before this 
part of the Coaft and the end of Carey Ifland, in 
all the Eafterly part of the bay, its fhoales and 
very uneven ground unfafe to meddle with to- 
wards the Eastermoft angle of it; opofite to the 
entrance into Giles Streights, lyes a Sand Hill 
pretty high, with fome fmaller about it, vifible a 
good diftance off in comeing from the Weftward. 



\ 



To the Province of Carolina. 69 

As you part from Cary Iflancl fteere away S.W. 
with Hilton Head and you will come thwart the 
Channell of Port Royall, which you will finde by 
the deepning of your water from five to feaven 
fathum and upward. It lyes neerer towards 
the Weft land, and runns in N. N.W. towards 
the Eafterne land of the Entrance (by us called 
AbrahaU Point), having feldom fo little as feaven 
fathum water. All the way in the fhoales in 
the Eaft part of the bay lye poynting out a good 
way to Sea, therefore it will be fafe for fhipps of 
burthen to keepe out till they have brought Hil- 
ton Head to beare about N. N. E. from them. 
When I had opened Woory Bay fayling S.W. 
along by the end of Cary Illand, I had brought 
the Sand Hills within a Steerne of mee. I luffed 
into the bay to try the Soundings of that Eafter- 
moft part of itt, and after a little while came on 
the fhoalings, and found them foe uneven that 
it was ordinary to differ two fathum in the heave 
of a lead. Being therefore fatiffyed with ye 
dangeroufnes of this part of the bay, I bore up 
againe and flood away with Hilton Head croffe 
fome of the fhoales till I came to feaven, eight 
and to about tenn fathum water. Then I fleered 
away with the body of the Weft land betweene 
Hilton Head and the Entrance of Port Royall, 
and fhoale my water by degrees to fix fathum 
(which depth continued a good while) and att 
length to five and foure fathum and to three 

i3 



70 Sand ford's Voyage 

within leffe then a mile of the wood fide. Then 
I brought rny tacks aboard and flood North 
Eafterly to gett into the Channell againe, and 
after fome time deepened my water to five, fix 
and feaven fathuni. I then fleered away with 
the Eaft land of the River within A brahall Point, 
ftill deepning my water, till at length the Ebbe 
being ftrong and wee makeing frefh way againft 
it with a large winde, I could not for a good 
fpace ftrike ground with my leads. About mid- 
night the third of July I came to an Anchor 
within the River in feaven fathum water (the 
leaf! depth I could then finde) a little above the 
Entrance into Bvayne Sound, or the paffage 
which goes through to Yeamans Harbour, foe 
called from Ens. Brayne, who twice failed itt. 
I would advife all who enter Port Royall to goe 
in upon the Soundings on the Weft fide of the 
Channell till they come a good way within Hil- 
ton Head, that fide being the eveneft ground and 
freeft from all danger. They may keepe in fix 
and feaven fathum all the way in, and then as 
they fteere more Eafterly towards Abrahatt Point 
they will finde itt much deeper. It flowes here 
E.S.E. 

The next morning I removed oppofite to the 
principall Indian Towne and there anchored be- 
fore itt, where I had not ridd long ere the CaJJique 
himfelf came aboard mee with a Canoa full of 
Indians, prefenting mee with fkinns and bidding 



To the Province of Carolina. 7 1 

mee welcome after their manner. I went a 
fhoare with him to fee their Towne which flood 
in fight of our Veffell. Found as to the forme 
of building in every reiped; like that of Eddif- 
iowe, with a plaine place before the great round 
houfe for their bowling recreation, att th'end of 
which flood a faire woodden Croffe of the Span- 
iards ereccon. But I could not obferve that the 
Indians performed any adoracon before itt. All 
round the Towne for a great fpace are feverall 
fields of Maiz of a very large growth. The foyle 
nothing inferiour to the befl we had feen att 
Eddijlowe, apparently more loofe and light, and 
the trees in the woods much larger and rangd 
at a greater diflance, all the ground under them 
burthened exceedingly, and amongfl it a great 
variety of choice paflurage. I fawe here befides 
the great number of peaches which the more 
Northerly places doe alfoe abound in, fome flore 
of figge trees very large and faire, both fruite 
and plants, and diverfe grape vines which though 
growing without Culture in the very throng of 
weedes and bufhes were yett filled with bunches 
of grapes to admiracon. It was noe finale re- 
joyceing to my Company (who began to feare 
that after Edijiowe they fhoukl fee nothing 
equally to content them) to finde here not only 
a River fo much mperiour to all others on the 
Coaft Northward, but alfoe a Country which 
their fancyes though preengaged could fcarce 



72 SandforcVs Voyage 

forbeare to preferre even that which but a little 
before they had concluded peereleffe. The 
Towne is fcited on an Ifland made by a branch 
which cometh out of Brayne Sound and falleth 
into Port Royall about a mile above where wee 
landed, a fcituaconnot extraordinary here, rather 
the whole Country is nothing elfe but feverall 
Iflands made by the various intervenings of Rivers 
and Creekes, yett are they firnie good Lands (ex- 
cepting what is Marfh) nor of foe finale a fieze, 
but to continue many of them thoufands of acres 
of rich habitable wood land, whofe very banl.es 
are warned by River or Creek, which befides the 
fertillity adde fuch a Comodioufneffe for portage 
as few Couutryes are equally happy in. 

After a few hours flay to view the land about 
the Towne, I retorned to my Veffell and there 
found Ens. Brayne with his Shalloope, come 
that morning through Brayne Sound from Yea- 
mans Harbour, att the mouth of which wee had 
feene him two days before. He told mee that 
the fame morning that I made Harvey Haven he 
came in with the fhoare more to the Eftw'd and 
fayled along it till towards Evening, when hee 
entred Yeamans Harbour fuppofmg it Port Roy- 
all, and not findeiug mee there nor any knowl- 
edge of mee, and gueffing that I might be more 
Southerly hee came through to Port Royall and 
acquainted himfelfe with Wommony the CaJJiques 
fone (who had alfoe been att Barbados) whome 



To the Province of Carolina. 73 

hee eafdy prevailed with to beare him Company 
from place to place into feverall Creeks and 
branches betweene this and Yeamans Harbour, 
foe becoming both his Guide and proteccon that 
hee had by this meanes a large leafure and opor- 
tunity of veiwing all that part of the Country 
which hee did foe loudly applaud for land and 
rivers that my Companies Comendacons of Eddif- 
towe could fcarce out noife him. Sufficiently 
fatiffyed with this relation (confirmed by thofe 
with him) I refolved to loofe noe time in a fecond 
fearch of that parte, but to goe a tides worke 
up the maine River and fee the body of the 
Country, and att my retorne to enter a faire 
Creek on the Weft fhoare oppofite to where the 
Veffell rode, and foe to veiwe that fide which 
Ens. Brayne had not medled with, being the 
more defirous alfoe to trye this Creek becaufe 
the Indians reported that it lead to a great 
Southerne River which peirceth farre into the 
Continent, and I fuppofe may be the Frenehmans 
River May, or the Spaniards St. Matthias. With 
the Flood therefore and a favorable frefh Gale 
of winde I fayled up the River in the Shalloope 
neere thirty miles, paffed where it divides itfelfe 
into two principall branches, the Weftermoft of 
which I went upp, and conceiveing myfelfe no we 
high enough I landed. Here I found the Ground 
prefently within to rife into a pretty hill, and as 
I ranged further I croffed feverall fine falls and 
19 



74 SandfortVs Voyage 

rifeings of land and one brookc of fwectc water 
which rami with a mourmoring conrfe bctweenc 
two hills, a rarity towards the fea Coaft (to which 
our former fearches had bcene confined in which 
wee had not fecne any frefh water but in wells, 
which inconveinency was not to be borne with 
were it not to be healved by the eafie finking of 
wells every where). The land here was fuch as 
made us all conclude not onely a poffibility that 
Eddljiowe might be, but a certainty that it was 
exceeded by the Country of Port Royall. Being 
fully tired with our March through a rankc 
growth of vines, bufhes and graff, which every 
where fettered our leggs and proclaimed the 
richncs of the foyle, I retired to my boatc, and 
with the Ebbe towards our Veffell wee paffed 
divcrfe faire Creekes on each fide the River but 
entred none, haveing not much time to fpare, 
and being fatiffyed by the forts of wood wee fawe 
and the banks that the land was all of like good- 
neff to what we had already veiwed (only in one 
place the land feemeing lower then ufuall and 
with a great mixture of pine or rather fpruce). 
I went in there, and after I was fomewhat with- 
in the woods found it very plafhy and water 
(landing everywhere in holes about ankell deepe 
or deeper, caufed as I think by the late rainc 
which had fallen fomewhat plentifully, for there 
appeared noc figne of conftant fwampifhnes (as 
in the Cipreffe fwamps more Northerly) nor any- 



To the Province of Carolina. 75 

thing that might difcourage the manureing it. 
The morning was pretty faire fpent ere I came 
downe to the Veffell againe, wherefore I made 
hafle and changed my Company and then croffed 
the River into that Wefterne Creeke I fpoke of, 
which after three or four miles opened into a 
great found full of Iflands of different fizes South- 
wards. It went into the Sea by two or three 
out letts in our fight Weftward. We ftill opened 
newe branches, fome bigger, fome leffe, like thofe 
wee had already paffed and found to crumble 
the Continent into Iflands. I fpent the remain- 
der of this day and the beft part of the next in 
this found- went a fhoare on Severall Iflands, found 
them as good firnie land as any wee had feene, 
exceedingly timbred principally with live Oake 
and large Cedar and Bay trees then any I had 
feene before on all the Coaft. In one of them 
wee entred a pleafant Grove of fpruce, fhadeing 
a very cleare pafture of fine graffe in which wee 
rouzed a brave heard of Deere, and thence called 
it the Difcoverer's Parke. This Ifland continues 
fome hundred of acres, and both wood and 
Marfh, proper for planting, grazeing and for 
feeding fwine, and all the Iflands of this Sound 
that were in our veiwe (fome few fmale ones ex- 
cepted that were onely Marfh) are in all appeare- 
ance alike good, proportionable to their biggnes 
with high bankes richly crowned with timber 
of the largeft fize. So that of what we fawe in 



76 Sand fords Voyage 

this Sound onely might be found habitations for 
thoufands of people with conveniencyes for their 
ftock of all kinds in fuch a way of accomodacon 
as is not comon. And if the Sound goe through 
to fuch a great River as the Indians talk off 
(which feems very probable) it will putt in 
addiconall value upon the Settlem'te that fhal be 
made in it. It abounds befides with Oyfter 
bankes and fuch heapes of fhells as which noe 
time cann confume, butt this benefitt it hath but 
in comon with all the Rivers betweene this and 
Harvey Haven, which are ftored with this necef- 
fary materiall for lime for many ages, and lying 
foe conveniently that whatever neere River or 
Creeke you cairn thinke fitt to fett a houfe there 
you may place your lime kill alfoe and poffibly in 
the banke juft by or very neere finde clay for your 
bricke tile, and the great and frequent foulls of 
fifh wee mett with gives us expectacon of advan- 
tage and employment that way alfoe. In fume 
we could fee of nothing here to be wifhed for 
but good (lore of Englijh Inhabitants, and that 
wee all heartily prayed for. I gave my name 
the Honour of calling this Sound by it, and doe 
believe that if this place be fetled by us, it may 
hence receive a longer duracon then from any 
acceffe within the reach of a rationall hope. 

Within night I retorned to the Veffell, and the 
next day being the 7th of July I tooke in fome 
frefh water purpofmg that night to leave Port 



To the Province of Carolina. 77 

Royall and retorne homeward, haveing in the 
difcovery already made, exceeded all our owne 
and therfor confident to anfwere all other ex- 
pectacons, befides each mans proper occafion 
haftened him, and the Confideration of the 
Charge of the Veffell hired att five and twenty 
pounds fterling per month made us earned not 
to detaine her a minute of time unneceffarily. 
Wee alfoe defigned ourfelves fome daies to fee 
the Country of Kywaha, one of whofe Inhabi- 
tants remained Mill with us for that only pur- 
pofe. But a little before night the Cajfique of 
Port Royall came aboard and brought with him 
a propper young fellowe whome hee made mee 
to underftand to bee his Sifter's fonne. Hee de- 
manded of mee when I would retorne thither, 
and fhewing mee the moone afked whether 
within three times of her compleating her orbe, 
I told him noe, but in tenn monthes I would. 
Hee feemed troubled att the length of time and 
as it were begged me to come in five. But I 
continued my firft given number. Att length 
hee gave mee this young fellowe, told mee hee 
mould goe and retorne with mee and that I muft 
clothe him, and then hee afked mee when I would 
fayle. I told him prefently that night, but hee 
very much importuned mee to flay until the next 
day that hee might prepare mee fome venifon, 
and made fignes as hee parted that if in the morn- 
ing hee mould not fee mee hee mould Crye, and 



78 Sand fordls Voyage 

foe hee left mee and the Indian with mee. I 
was fomewhat pleafed with the adventure, have- 
ing before I came on the Difcovery wifhed that 
if I liked the Country I might prevaile with the 
Indians to lett one of their Nacon goe with mee, 
I leaveing an Englijh man in their roome for the 
mutuall learning their language, and to that 
purpofe one of my Company Mr. Henry Wood- 
ward, a Chirurgeon, had before I fett out affured 
mee his refolucon to flay with the Indians if I 
fhould thinke convenient, wherefore I refolved 
to ftay till the morning to fee if the Indians 
would remaine conftant in this Intencon, accord- 
ing to which I purpofed to treate further with 
them on the morrowe, therefore I went a fhoare 
to their Towne, tooke Woodward and the Indian 
with mee and in prefence of all the Inhabitants 
of the place and of the fellows relacons afked if 
they approved of his goeing along with mee. 
They all with one voyce confented. After fome 
paufe I called the Cajffique and another old man 
(his fecond in authority) and their wives, and in 
fight and heareing of the whole Towne delivered 
Woodward into their charge, telling them that 
when I retorned I would require him att their 
hands. They received him with fuch high tefti- 
monyes of Joy and thankfullnes as hughely 
confirmed to mee their great defire of our friend- 
fhipp and fociety. The CaJJlque placed Wood- 
ward by him uppon the Throne, and after lead 



To the Province of Carolina. 79 

him forth and fhewed him a large feild of Maiz 
which hee told him fhould bee his, then hee 
brought him the Sifter of the Indian that I had 
with mee telling him that fhee fhould tend him 
and dreffe his vidtualls and be careful of him 
that foe her Brother might be the better ufed 
amongft us. I flayed a while being wounderous 
civilly treated after their manner, and giveing 
Woodward formall poffeffion of the whole Coun- 
try to hold as Tennant att Will of the right 
Hono'ble the Lords Proprietors, I retorned aboard 
and imediately weighed and fell downe. An 
Indian that came with mee from Edijlowe with 
Intencon to goe no further then Port Royall 
feeing this kindnes and mutuall obligation 
betweene us and the people of this place, that 
his Nacon or tribe might bee within the League, 
voluntarily offered himfelfe to flay with mee 
alfoe, and would not bee denyed, and thinking 
that foe hee fhould be the more acceptable hee 
caufed himfelfe to be fhoaren on the Crowne, after 
ye manner of the Port Royall Indians, a fafhion 
which I gueffe they have taken from the Spani/h 
Fryers, thereby to ingratiate themfelves with 
that Nacon ; and indeed all along I obferved a 
kinde of Emulacon amongft the three principall 
Indians of this Country (vizt.) thofe of Kywaha, 
Eddi/iowe and Port Royall concerning us and 
our Freindfhipp, each contending to affure it to 
themfelves and jealous of the other though all 



80 SandforcPs Voyage 

be allyed, and this notwithstanding that they 
knewe wee were in actuall warre with the Na- 
tives att Clarendon and had killed and fent away 
many of them, ffor they frequently difcourfed 
with ns concerning the warre, told us that the 
Natives were noughts, their land Sandy and bar- 
ren, their Country fickly, but if wee would come 
amongft them Wee fhould fincle the Contrary to 
all their Evills, and never any occalion of dif- 
chargeing our Gunns but in merryment and for 
pafthne. 

The 10th of July in the morning I was fayre 
before ye River that leadeth into the Country 
of Kywaha, but the Indian of the place who 
undertooke to bee my Guide, and flayed all this 
while with mee for that onely purpofe, would 
not knowe it to be the fame, but confidently and 
conflantly affirmed to mee that it was more 
Eafterly, and att length when I was alinoft neere 
enough to goe in, with greate affurance and joy 
hee mewed mee a head land not farre off which 
hee affirmed the entrance to bee. This confi- 
dence of his made mee (land away, but by that 
time I had fayled fome two Leagues. Hee fawe 
his error when it was too late, for nowe the winde 
was foe that I could not fetch the River againe, 
and if it had beene fayre I was fure not to enter 
it before night, and I did not like the complex- 
con of the Heavens foe well as to trye that night 
upon the Coaft. 



To the Province of Carolina. 81 

The River lyes in a bay betweene Harvey 
Haven and Cape St. Romana, wherein wee found 
7 or 8 fathurn water very neere the fhoare, and 
not the leaft appearance of fhoales or dangers 
in any part of itt. It fhewes with a very faire 
large opening cleare of any fflatts or barreing in 
ye Entrance onely before the Eafterne point wee 
sawe a breach but not farre out. I perfuade 
myfelfe that it leads into an Excellent Country, 
both from the Comendacon the Indian give itt 
and from what I faw in my ranging on the 
Eafterne part of Harvey Haven the next Neigh- 
bouring land to this. Wherefore in hopes that 
it may prove worthy the Dignity I called it the 
River A/hley, from the Right Hon'ble Anthony 
Loral AJhley, and to take away every little re- 
maine of forraigne title to this Province;, I blotted 
out the name of St. Romane putt before the next 
Eafterly Cape, and writt Cape Cartreit in the 
roome, to evidence the more reall right of Sr. 
George Cartrett, as hee is a Lord Proprietor of 
Carolina. 

The 12th of July about noon I entred Charles 
River, and before darke night landed att Charles 
Towne in the County of Clarendon, to the great 
rejoiceing of our friends, who yett received not 
our perfons more gratefully then they did the 
found Comendacons which they heard from every 
one of us without one diffonant note of that never 
enough to be valued Country which wee had 



82 SandforcVs Voyage 

feene and fearcht, in which may be found ample 
Seats for many thoufands of our Nation in a 
Sociable and comfortable Vicinity, fecured from 
any poffible general and from all probable par- 
ticle Maffacres, with fuch other accomodacons 
to boote as fcarce any place cann parralell, in a 
clime perfectly temperate to make the habitacon 
pleafant, and where fuch a fertile Soyle cannot 
faile to yeild foe great a variety of Produccons 
as will not onely give an abfolute felfe fubfiftance 
to the place without all manner of neceffary for- 
raigne dependance, but alfoe reach a trade to 
the Kingdome of England as great as that fhee 
has with all her Neighbours, and render our 
Soveraigne Lord the King within his owne Do- 
minions and the Land poffeffed by his Naturall 
Englijli fubjects univerfall Monarch of the Traf- 
fique and Comodity of the whole World. 

Robt. Sandford. 




To the Province of Carolina. 83 

FOR. a further Confirmacon hereof take this 
Teftiinoniall given of this Country by the 
Principal! Gentlemen with mee in this Dif- 
covery, who have attefted under their hands as 
much as I have fayd, and yett noe more then 
Avhat thoufands had they beene there would alfoe 
have affirmed — 

Clarendon 

in 
Carolina — 

Wee wliofe names are hereunto fubfcrihed have- 
ing accompanied Lt -Colo '11 Robert Sandford in 
a Voyage of Difcovery on the Coajt and Rivers 
of this Province to the Southward and Weftivard 
of Cape St. Romane as farre as the River Port 
Royall, and being all of us perfons well experi- 
enced in the nature and quallity of the feverall 
Soyles in thefe Regions, and Jo me of us by means 
of our Travells throughly acquainted ivith mo ft 
part of America, Northerne and Southeme Conti- 
nent and I/lands, doe hereby declare and Teftefie 
to the whole world that the Country which wee did 
fearch and fee from the River Grandy, nowe Har- 
vey Haven, to Port Royall inclufive, doth for 
richnes and fertillily of foyle, for Excellency of 
Rivers, havens, Creekes and founds, for abound- 
ance of good Timber of diverfe forts, and many 
other requifites both to land and Sea building, and 
for fundry rare accomodacons both for Naviga- 



84 SandforcPs Voyage. 

tion and Plantacon Exceed all places that wee 
knowe in proporcon of our Nacon in the Weft In- 
dies, and wee doe ajfure Our f elves that a Colony 
of Englifh here planted, with a moderate fupport 
in their Infant tendency, toould in a very JJiort 
time improve them/elves to a perfefi Common 
Wealth, Injoying a Self fufficiency of all theprin- 
clpall Neceffaryes to life and abounding with a 
great variety of Superfluity for the Invitacon of 
foraigne Comerce and trade, and which for its 
Scite and produccons would he of more advantage 
to our Native Country, the Kingdome of England, 
and to the Grandeur of Our Soveraigne Lord the 
King, his Crowne, and dignity then any (wee may 
fay all) his other Dominions in America. 

And wee doe further avouch that this Country 
may bee more fecurely fettled and cheaply defended 
from any the attempts of its native Inhabitants 
then any of thofe other places which our Country- 
men have refined from the Br off of Indian Bar- 
barifme. 

In Witnejf whereof wee have hereunto fett our 
hands this \Uh of Jidy, 1GGG. 

Henry Brayne. 

Rich'd Abraiiall. 

Thomas Giles. 

George Cary. 

Sam'll Harvey. 

Joseph Woory. 



The great Seal of the LORDS PROPRIETORS cf the PROVINCE OF CAROLINA, displaying on the Reverse the Coat of Arms of the 

Eight Lords Proprietors, being a fac-simile of a wax impression of the Seal, now in the PUBLIC RECORD OFFICE, 

LONDON, ENGLAND, obtained thence through the kindness of Mr. W. Noel Sainsbury. 




The imperfect Coat of Arms on the Reverse is that of JOHN, LORD BERKELEY, which is the same as the Coat of Arms of Sir WM. 

BERKELEY nearly opposite, except for the Baron's Coronet where the wax has been quite broken off. Between the 

last and Sir George Carteret's Coat of Arms, a piece of wax is broken away but without injuring either. 



AUTOGRAPHS OF THE LORDS PROPRIETORS. 






^tM-mrfr 





Wi£ Jgcty&&r 






JLxS.-fe 



7 ^^ 



REPRODUCED BY THE HELIOTYPE PRINTING CO., BOSTON, FOR MR. WM. A. COURTENAY, CHARLESTON, S. C. 



A 



RELATION 

OF 

The Voyage of the Colonists, 

Who Sailed from the Thames, in August, 1669, via 
Kinsale, Ireland and Barbadoes, visiting 

POET ROYALL, 

AND 
Finally Settling on Ashley River, where they 

founded 

CHARLES TO WN. 



These letters, written by the Colonists, form part of 
the Shaftesbury Papers. 



Now first printed from the original Shaftesbury Papers, procured by 

the City Council of Charleston, S. C. from the Public 

Record Office, London. 




The Voyage of the Colonists. 




IT is desired to present, in the following pages, 
such information, contained in the Shaftes- 
bury Papers on file in the Pub- 
lic Record Office, London, as 
refers particularly to the voyage 
of an expedition fitted out in 
August, 1669, by the Lords 
Proprietors in England, for the 
purpose of colonizing Carolina. 
These papers being addressed chiefly to Lord 
Ashley and not to the Lords Proprietors as a 
body, fail to give us a connected narrative of 
the voyage, but though the information be not as 
full as could be desired, it is nevertheless impor- 
tant, since it suffices to fix the time and place of 
departure, the names of those who first cast in 
their lot, the perils of the voyage and the dan- 
gers encountered upon the shore. 



88 The Voyage of the Colonists. 

Any authentic information concerning the rirst 
settling of the particular locality which we in- 
habit should always have an interest for us. 
But when our narrator is in a measure both 
historian and founder, his text should possess 
the highest interest for us. 

Surrounded as we are to-day by all the re- 
finements of civilized life, our lives, liberty and 
property well guarded by organized govern- 
ment and we free to seek and enjoy every law- 
ful happiness, there is food for pleasant and 
profitable reflection in the history of that little 
band, who, braving every peril to life and 
property, first planted the seed of this bountiful 
harvest. The story of their hopes and fears, 
their joys and sorrows, is best told in their own 
simple language, so we present it to-day, as they 
recorded it over two centuries since, slightly 
abridging in unimportant particulars to keep 
within the scope of our pages. 



The Genesis of Charleston, 89 
t* THE FLOTILLA. 

Joseph West, Commander. 
Ship Carolina — 

Henry Brayne, Master. 

John Comings, Mate. 

Richard Dyas, Gunner. 

Richard Cole, Carpenter. 

Peter Salter, Trumpeter. 

Arthur Roper, Boatswain's Mate. 

Seamen — John Moore, Thos. Joy, Wm. Orr, 
Thos. Sumers, George Gray, Henry Jones, Jas. 
Shepherd, John Williamson, Jas. Robertson, John 
Rippett, Alexander John Stone, Henry Ffarro & 
Hailes Porter, (Carpenter's Mate.) 

Crew, all told, 19 men. — Total monthly wages 
£35— 15s. 
Ship Port Royall— 

John Russell, Master. 

Robert Chappell, Mate. 

Peter Stanford, Boatswain. 

Wm. Allan, Carpenter. 

Seamen — Tobias Cox, Lewis "Carson, Geo. 
Ffarro. 

Crew all told, 7 men. — Monthly wages £17. 
Sloop Albemarle— 

Edward Baxter, Master. 

Seamen — George Buggy, Jno. Rogers, George 
Young & Henry Buck. 

Crew all told, 5 men. — Monthly wages £8, 

?2 



90 The Voyage of the Colonists. 



Expenditures. £ s. d. 
Costs of Ship Carolina and her equip- 
ment 930 17 11 

Costs of Ship Port Royall and her 

equipment 199 05 08 

Costs of Sloop Albemarle and her 

equipment 82 01 10 

Costs of Provisions for the Expedi- 
tion 540 11 08 

Costs of Clothes 212 04 00 

Costs of Stores of War 397 15 00 

Costs of Tools and Iron-ware 188 09 07 

Costs of Caske 87 00 01 

Costs of Fishing Trade 28 10 00 

Costs of Indian Trade 50 18 08 

Costs of Charges and Shipping 58 04 00 

Costs of Chirurgeon's chest and in- 
struments 30 08 00 

Wages paid 76 15 00 

Money paid Mr. West at Kinsale ... 30 00 00 

2913 01 05 

Lent Capt. O'Sulivant 10 00 00 

Paid Mr. West for his paines 20 00 00 

£2943 01 05 
From Aboard the Carolina, 

NOW RlDINGE IN THE DoWNES, 

August the 10th, 1669. 
May it please your Lordship : 

This (after begging your Honor's pardon) is 
to give your Lordshipp a perfccte accompte that 



The Genesis of Charleston. 91 

wee are with our shipps now ridinge att an an- 
ker in the Downes. And, may itt please your 
Honor, I hope to your Lordshipp's sattisfaction, 
I have taken all the care I cann, although very 
troublesome, to fitt out and make ready with 
what expedition I possible could all the shipps, 
now onely by the permission of the Almighty 
expecting a good winde and being well fitted 
with and by the leave of God I doe intende to 
waye and sett to sayle expecting under God a 
good and prosperous voyadge for Ireland into 
the port of Kingsale and upon our arivall, from 
thence your Honor shall receive a more fuller 
accompt than I att present can give your Lord- 
shipp. I have here enclosed sent your Honor a 
particular accompt of what passendgers are 
aboard, first, Masters, and then servants and 
then those persons that are single and have noe 
servants, which, with your Lordshipp's pardonn, 
is all att present from your Lordshipp's most 
humble and obediente servant, 

JOSEPH WEST. 

A list of all such Masters, free passengers and 
servants which are now aboard the Carolina 
now ridinge in the Downes, August the 10th, 
X669; 



92 The Voyage of the Colonists. 



Masters. 
Capt. Sullivan, 



Step. Bull, 



Ed. Hollis and 
Jos. Dalton. 



Tho. Smith, 
Paule Smith, 



Servants. 



Numbers of 
Names, 



Ralph Marshall, 
James Montgomery, 
Rich. Alexander, 
Stephen Wheelwright, 
Tho. Kinge, 
Eliz. Dimmocke, 
Eliz. Mathews, 

Robert Done, 
Burnaby Bull, 
Tho. Ingram, 
Jonathan Barker, 
John Larmouth, 
Dudley Widgier, 

George Prideox, 
Thomas Younge, 
Henry Price, 
Will Chambers, 
John Dawson, 
Will. Roades, 
Alfrd Harleston, 
Jane Lawson, 
Susanna Kinder, 

Aice Rixe, 
Jo. Hudlesworth, 
Jo. Burroughs, 
Hugh Wigleston, 
Eliz. Smith, 
Andrew Boorne, 
Francis Noone, 



8 



11 



9 








Reproduced feom AN I 111 



iginal Engraving foe Hon. Wm. A. Courtbnay, Charleston, S. C. 



ARTOTYPE, E, BIERSTADT, N. 






The Genesis of Charleston. 93 



Numbers of 
Masters. Servants. Names. 

Hambleton. Tho. Gourden, 

Will. Lurnsden, 
Jo. Frizen, 
Step. Flinte, 
Edw. Young, 

Jo. Thomson, 10 

Samuell Morris, 
Tho. Southell, 
Agnis Payne, 
Jo. Reed, 

Jo. Rivers, Tho. Poole, 

Rob. Williams, 



Henry Burgen, 
Math. Smallwood, 



5 



Nich. Cartwright, Tho. Gubbs, 
Jo. Loyde, 
Martin Bedson, G 

Step. Price, 
Will. Jenkins, J 

Morris Mathews, Abra. Phillips, 

Reighnold Barefoot, 

Mathew Hewitt, 

Eliz. Currle, J 

Will Bowman, Abraham Smith, 
Millicent Howe, 

Dr. Will. Scrivener, Margarett Tuder, 2 

Will Owens, John Humfreys, 

Christopher Swade, 
John Borley, 

23 



3 



94 The Voyage of the Colonists. 

Number of 
Masters. Servants. Names. 

Tho. Midleton, Rich. Wright, j 4 

Eliz. uxor ejus, Tho. Wormes, ) 

Samuell West, Andrew Searle, ) o 

Will. West, \ 

Joseph Bailey, John Carmichaell, 2 

Passengers that have noe servants : 

Mr. Tho. Rideall. 
Mr. Will. Haughton. 
Mr. Will. Hennis. 
Mr. Tho. Humfreys. 
Eliz. Humfreys. 
Marie Clerke. 
Sampson Darkenwell. 
Nathanyell Darkenwell. 
Mrs. Sarah Erpe. 
Eliz. Erpe. 
Martha Powell. 
Mrs. Mary Erpe. 
Thomas Motteshed. 

Totall number now aboard is 92. 

Ffrom Ye Downes this 17th of Aug't, 1069. 

Right Hondble : 

I have (herein inclosed) sent yo'r Lordship an 
inventory of all the apurtinances belonging to 
ye Carolina ffriggott, and also a list of all the 
seamen's names that doe belong unto herselfe, 



The Genesis of Charleston. 95 

the Port Royall and the Albemarle, w'th their 
distinct salleries. My L'd, (our shipp having 
been stayed here by the coinon inconveniences 
incident to shipps outward bound,) our provision 
is far spent (considering our voiage), for al- 
though six are put to foure men's allowance, we 
have not above ten or twelve dayes beare left; 
therefore I beseech yo'r Lo'ship to consider our 
want when wee come to Ireland, where we are 
to take in a great number of passingers. God 
has been pleased this morne to send us a faire 
wind, and our shipps are just now come to saile. 
I hope the Lord will make our voiage and de- 
signes prosperous. 

Yo'r Lordships most humble 

HENRY BRAYNE. 

To the Right Uono'ble Anthony, Lord Ashley, 
at Exetr House, in the Strand, London. 

Kins ale, 31st August, 1GG9. 
Right Honorable: 

I have received your Lordfhipp's of the 16th 
of July laft, joyned with Sir George Cartrott, 
to procure fome ferv'ts in thefe parts to ferve 
your Lordfhipps, and particularly at Port Roy- 
all, in the Province of Carolina, and ih owing the 
conditions to bee allowed them at the end of 
their fervice, which I did fully enlarge and ex- 
plaine to all the perfons that I thought fitt to take 



96 The Voyage of the Colonists. 

notice thereof and confulted with all fnch as I 
thought intelligent in thefe affairs to advife me 
how to rayfe fuch servants, but hitherto I could 
not obtayne any, for the thing at prefent feems 
new and foreigne to them, and withall they had 
been terrified with the ill-practice of them to 
the Caribda Iflands, where they were fold as 
flaves, that as yet they will hardly give credence 
to any other ufage ; and withal they are loathe 
to leave the fmoke of their owne cabin, if they 
can but beg near it ; but indeed the chief obstacle 
that I obferve at prefent is the many buildings 
repayring and contrivances that are in all the 
towns in this country fmce the fettlm't of the 
49 interefts, which has made work for thofe who 
will ferve, and again it is harvest time when 
they may earn or fteal a fheaf, but that is near 
over. 

The lafl night arrived your Lordfhipp's fhipp 
Carolina, friggott, Joseph Weft, Commander, 
and Mr. Florence Solovane, by whom I received 
your Lordfhipp's letter of the 27th July. The 
daie before came in the Albemarle, the Port 
Royall not being yet arrived. I have upon re- 
ceipt of your Lordfhipp's fecond letter ufed all 
indeavors and have proferred unto thofe prefent 
a very intelligent perfon in thofe affaires, newly 
landed out of England, and is very well informed 
and fatiffyed in the defigue and they have fent 
him into the country where he is confident he 



The Genesis of Charleston. 97 

fhall prevail with fome, and now that your fhipps 
are here where they may have great entertain- 
ment and paffage, they will be much the eafier 
perfuaded, and I doubt not but fome will be got 
before the (hips part ; and I know mod of the 
people of this country will give fome credit to 
mee in the worth and advantage of this defigne 
becaufe they know I never had anything to doe 
with the Weft India trade, but have ranfomed 
many of them that have been fnatched up and 
privately conveyed on board the fhippe bound 
that way. 

My Lord, I humbly befeech you to believe 
that whenfoever it lyes in my power I fhall 
moil affectionately and faithfully ferve your 
Lordfhipps and all thofe moft honorable partners 
concerned, and am rejoyced to fee and obferve 
fuch honorable undertaking and with with all 
my heart all profperity and fticceff unto them. 
And thus with my moft humble fervice unto your 
Lordfhipps, My moft honored my Lord Duke of 
Albemarle and the reft of those honorable Lords 
and perfons concerned in thefe affaires, I humbly 
take leave and remain, 

My Lord, 
Your Lordfhipp's most faithful, 
and humble fervant, 

ROBERT SOUTHWELL. 



24 



98 The Voyage of the Colonists. 

Kinge Sayle September the 10th 1GG9 

May it pleafe ydr Lo'pp 

This is to give yo'r honor an account that wee 
wth our 3 fhipps have binn heare 12 dayes, the 
winde beinge now come upp fayer, I doe intende 
God willinge to fet to fayle and quitt this Har- 
bor, for (if itt may please yo'r Lo'pp) I cleerly 
find yo'r honors expectacons will nott be any 
wayes anfwered lieere in gettinge of f 'rvants and 
wee have loft a brave winde by cominge heere for 
wee by the affiflance of the Sorvaigne heere and 
other gents have ufed all indeavors but all to 
noe other ende or purpofe than loffe of tyme 
and expence of moneys, for I am nott affured of 
a mann that will goe from hence. May itt 
pleafe yo'r Lo'pp heere is fome gents that are 
nott in the waye Mr. Boweman and others butt 
I hope that they will bee aboard before wee 
fayle, there is one Mr. Keade a deputy or ftew- 
ard to Major Hambleton that is cleerely runn 
away butt nott wth' out fome advantage to yo'r 
Honor for he hath left 9 Servants aboard, butt 
there is one Humfreys that yo'r Lo'pp putt upon 
the defmne that is runn awav w'th his wife and 
childe and hath like a rafcally knave reported 
very high and fcandalous words againft the 
Proprietor's although he had noe reafon for itt 
beinge well ufed and provided for. May itt 
pleafe yo'r Honor I have reced 30£ by S'r 



The Genesis of Charleston. 99 

George Cartwrights order and have layed itt out 
in provifions and neceffarys for our voyadge 
and foe foone as I come to Barbadoes yo'r Honor 
(hall receive a pticular Account of the difburfe- 
m'ts from 

Yo'r Honors Mofte humble and obedient 
S'rvant 

JOSEPH WEST 

Tfiefe for the Right Ilo'blc the Lorde AJJiley att 
his Houfe neere Exeter Houfe in the Strand 
London. 
Poll; paid 4d 

Kinge Sayle September the 17 1669 

May it pleafe yo'r Honor 

This is to give yo'r Lo'pp an account that 
upon my dep'tinge this Harbor w'ch I gave yo'r 
Honor an account of in my laft l'tre the winde 
imeadyatly veared about againffc us and hath 
hitherto deteyned mee heere, but w'th the firft 
oportunity of winde I will, God willinge, quitt 
this place, hopinge for a good and profperous 
voyadge to the Barbadoes. May itt pleafe yo'r 
Lo'pp I have reced a 'tre from Mr. Blany w'th 2 
Billf inclofed from S'r Roberte Southwell for 
30 £ charged upon Mr. Southwell his father in 
King Sayle w'ch I have nott as yett paffed, 
neither doe I intende to pafle them except 
neceffity enforces mee by a longe flay here for 



100 The Voyage of the Colonists. 

want of a winde I beinge already fuplyed w'th 
30£ by S'r George Carterites order w'ch in my 
laft 'tre to yo'r Lo'pp I menconed (which w'th 
firft begginge yo'r Honors p'don is all att pr'sente 
from 

Yo'r Honor's Moft humble obedient 
S'rvant 

JOSEPH WEST 

Tliefe for the Rigid Hortble the Lorde AJJiley at 
Ms Houfe neere Exeter Iloufe in the Strande 
London 

Barbadoes November the 8th 1669 
May itt pleafe yo'r Honor 

Thefe are to informe yo'r Lo'pp of our beinge 
att Barbadoes where wee fhall ftay untill the 
23d inftant; and then hopinge to quitt this Iflande 
for our defired Port; the People here feemingly 
(how a great inclinacon for Porte Roy all. S'r 
John Yeamans beinge refolved to goe down doth 
give good encouradgm't and wee hope to make 
our complem't up 200 pr'fons: The Albemarle 
Sloope w'ch wee loft 3 dayes after wee quitted 
Ireland arrived safe heere 3 dayes after us and 
ye 2d inftant in the morninge itt blew hard and 
the floops cables broake and ihee afhoare upon 
ye Rocks and is loft. S'r John Yeamans and 
Efq'r Colleton are about buyinge of or hieringe 
of another floope and alfoe another veffell that 



The Genesis of Charleston. 101 

will cary downe 60 or 70 people. We have had 
very bad weather att Barbadoes and ware in 
much dainger w'th our fhipp for one of our 
cables broake ; And the Port Royall hath loft a 
cable and anker. Our dependance and princi- 
ple hopes are beinge yo'r Honor w'th the Reft of 
the Right Ho'bles havinge binn pleafed fo hono'- 
bly to fett us forthe w'ch is the life of our defigne 
and yo'r Honors ffame, nott to lett us fade in 
our infancy butt bee pleafed to fend us a supply 
in the Springe w'ch from yo'r Honor wil bee re- 
ceived w'th great joye and much fortify e us 
againft ruin for although I have ufed all diligent 
care imadginable, yett our ftores are eaten very 
deepe into and wee (hall nott have att our land- 
inge above 3 months' provifions. Since wee 
arived heere, to fave provifions, Efqr. Colleton 
hath taken 20tie fervants into Sr. Peeter's plan- 
tacon, and Major Kingsland hath taken fome, 
they beinge now allmoste all afhoare. May it 
pleafe yo'r Honor, those f 'rv'ts w'ch did belonge 
to Major Hambleton I have and doe order them 
as for yo'r Honor's ufe, by reafon they are left 
w'thout a Mafter, for their Steward quitted the 
fhipp and overrun them in Ireland, and I doe 
inteude to keepe them untill I receive from yo'r 
Honor farther orders. I doe hope before wee 
quitt Barbadoes to make yo'r number of fervants 
upp w'th them. May itt pleafe yo'r Honor, I 
have here inclofed fent yo'r Lo'pp a coppy of the 

25 



102 The Voyage of the Colonists. 

Propofalls w'ck are publifhed heere for the 
People's encouradgm't and knowledge, w'ch is 
all the informacon at pr'fent that can bee given 
by Yo'r Honor's Mode Humble and 
Obediente S'rvante, 

JOSEPH WEST. 

Thefe for the Rigid Ho'ble the Lorde Ashley 
Cooper, att Little Exeter Houfe, in the Strande, 
London. 

JO. DOREL AND HUGH WENTWORTH TO 
LORD ASHLEY. 

Somers Island, Feb. 17, '69-70. 
Right Hono'ble : 

Your fhippe Carolina being forced from her 
intended port into one of our harbours, itbegott 
an acquaintance betwixt me and a fervant of 
yours, one Captain 0. Sullivan, which is gone 
your Surveyor Generall. He having acquainted 
me with your clefigne of fettling Carolina and 
defire of promoting new plantations caufed me 
to prefume upon your Honour's favour and to 
trouble you with the perufall of thefe lines, which 
may acquaint your Honour that our Ifland of 
Barmudoes being over-peopled and the natives 
thereof much ftraitned for want of land, being 
now yearly able to fpare a hundred inhabitants 
for the fettlement of new plantations, and many 
people haveing gone from this Ifland to fettle 



The Genesis of Charleston. 108 

Santalucca, Trinidadoe, Antegro and Jamaica 
have moft part of them dyed, but about three 
or four years fmce fome of our people have gone 
for the Bahama Iflands and coding amongft them 
for Spanish wracke and ambregrife, which some- 
times they found, at laft they fettled on an Ifland 
which at first they named Sayles Ifland, but 
when more of our people went to fettle they 
named it New Providence, for the generallity of 
our people that went they were foe poore that 
they were not able to tranfport themfelves. But 
myfelfe and one Mr. Hugh Wentworth, an in- 
habitant here, did get two fhipps and have 
transported moft part of the inhabitants upon 
the accompt of creditt, giveing of them time for 
their payment till they can rayfe it of the plant 
ation by their labour. There is about 3 hun- 
dred inhabitants upon it, myfelfe having fettled 
a plantation there with eight people on it, 3 
negroes and five Englifh. The ifland lyeth in the 
latitude of 25 degres and a halfe and is very 
hcaltiifull and pleafant accommodated with gal- 
lant harbouring for (hipping. Some part of the 
ifland good land some part of it waft land. The 
people there have now noe want of provifions 
and our natives here moft inclinable to fettle 
there by reafon the ifland is foe healthfull. It 
produceth as good cotten as ever grew in 
America and gallant tobacco. They have made 
but little as yet. There greateft want at prefent 



104 The Voyage of the Colonists. 

is small amies and ammunition, a Godly minif- 
ter and a good smith. If the Spaniard become 
your enemy at Carolina, he will come through 
the Gulf with his fhipps and harbour them at 
New Providence and flay there for a Southeaft 
wind, which for the inoft part bloweth there and 
in three days' time will be in the river of Port 
Royall on the back of your people, and it is the 
nearest place for neighbourhood of any planta- 
tion in America and fhould your Lordfhipp en- 
gage us here to accommodate your people with 
live cattle or neceffaries from hence with our 
(hipping that ifland would be a refuge to us, for 
if the winds hold Weftwardly or Northwardly 
that we could not recover Port Royall, then we 
could ftand Southwardly and gaine that ifland 
for a recruite and need not ftay long there for a 
winde to carry us to Port Royall. My humble 
requeft and fuite to your Honours is that you 
would patronife our poore inhabitants of New 
Providence by gaineing a patent for New Provi- 
dence and the reft of the Bahama iflands, that 
the poore people may have protection there and 
be governed according to His Majesty's Laws 
and enjoy fuch priviledges for their incourage- 
ment of a better settlement as other colonies 
and plantations hath, and that your Honour will 
be pleafed to have a remembrance therein for 
them. We have been the firft beginners and in- 
couragers of the fettlement of New Providence 



The Genesis of Charleston. 105 

and fhall be ready to ferve your Honour or your 
commands, and fubscribe ourfelves, 
Your Honour's moft humble fervants 

JOHN DORRELL senior 
HUGH WENTWORTH 
17 Feb. G9-70. 

Nansamund River in Virginia, 
April 28th, 1670. 
Honored Sir 

Thefe by Capt. Covell with the goods accord- 
ing to invoice and bill of ladeing are received. 
About the time of that fhipps arrival Mr. Burgh 
died leaving his wiffe executrix, who fent for the 
goods and about that time they came down from 
the fhipp to here fhe alfo died, leaving all that 
concerned her and her huf bands bufmess in truft 
with us. The goods you fent are not yett opened 
nor will not be till we hear further from Port 
Royall, being in dayly expectation of fome fhip 
from there and upon the arrivall whereof we 
fhall comply with your orders in buying hoggs, 
cattle and what elfe is defired by thofe that fhall 
come for it. In which we fhall purfue your in- 
ftructions and endeavour the beft we can for 
your advantage as well in fale of goods as in 
buying with it, what you would have to be 
bought for the fervice of that defigne, as alfo in 
the defpatch of such fhipps or veffels as is or fhall 
be employed upon that account. Sir John 

26 



106 The Voyage of the Colonists. 

Yeamans we heard was att Barmudas and from 
thence returned home to Barbados, after he had 
fent away Capt. Saile Governor to Port Royall. 
A floop which came out with them from Barba- 
dos was here in January, John Baulte Mailer, 
being forced hither by bad weather with about 
thirty people, fome of which were putt off here 
to procure food for the reft, which having done 
fhe failed away from here about the beginning 
of February. 

We have had no more at prefent but to fub- 
fcribe ourfelves 

Your Honors Servants 

HI. BENNETT 
THO. GODWIN 

The Sloupe which we had at Barbadoes and 
parted w'th at fea did arrive at Keyawah on 
Munday ye 23d of May: 1670, an acc't of whofe 
voyage from St. Katherina and paffages there I 
thought fit to fend yo'r Hon'r as I had it from 
Mr. Maurice Mathews who was in her. 

Mr. Mathews "relacon' of St. Katherina: 

On Saturday May ye 15th we came to an anchor 
in St. Katherina, a place about ye Latt. of 31 de- 
grees, where wee intended to wood and watter. 
The Indians very freely came aboard whom wee 
entertained from this day to ye 18, they traded 
with us for beads and old clothes, and gave our 



The Genesis of Charleston. 107 

people bread of Indian corne, peas, leakes, 
onyons, deare skins, hens, earthen pots etc. 
Upon ye 16 day came aboard an Indian, feini- 
Spaniard, w'th a pr'fent of bread etc., to our 
Matter, and promifed him Porke for truck. 
Severall of our people had been juft at theire 
houfes and told us of brave plantations with a 
100 working Indians and that they want noth- 
ing in the world. Our Matter upon ye 17 in- 
ftant, about 8 in ye morning with his mate and 
Mr. Rivers, three feamen and one man fervant 
which had been theire juft before, went afhoare 
with truck to buy porke for ye floupes ufe, theire 
were two men fervants more which went afhoare 
ag't ye floupe to cut wood etc and one woman 
with a girle to wafh fome Linnien at ye watter- 
ing place, our Mafter promifed to be aboard next 
tyde, but he came not. We hollowed to them 
right afhoare about 4 of ye clocke but they 
made no anfwere. This raifed a doubtfull feare 
in us. That night we kept a ftrickt watch and 
next day about 10 of ye clocke we heard a 
drume, and pr'fently faw 4 Spaniards armed with 
mufkets and fwords — with ye drume came downe 
one of thefe and (landing behind a tree holding 
forth a white cloath hailed us and bid us yield 
and fubmit to ye foveraignty of S'to Domingo 
and told us it were better foe for o'r Cap't was 
in chaines. I holding up a white fhirt told him, 
if we fhould have our people, we would depart in 



108 The Voyage of the Colonists. 

peace, but he cryed No, No, and giveing ye word 
to fome in ye wood, Indians and Spaniards, wee 
received a volley of Mufket fhott and a cloud of 
arrows which ye Indians fhott upright, and foe 
they continued for an houre and a half, then they 
left of, and commanded three of us afhoare. 
We told them we would fend one with Letters 
to them, and fent them a boy afhoare, who 
fwimed with a note to ye Matter and another to 
ye fryer, ye note to the fryer treated of free 
paffage with all our people. Ye boy they re- 
ceived courteoufly, cloathing him at ye watter 
fide with deare fkins etc. A little after, they 
bid us not ufe any amies, and they would ye 
like. And bid us expect an anfwer to o'r letter. 
We were glad of this and agreed, but about half 
an houre after, they commanded fhippe and all 
afhoare. We told them we had neither winde 
nor boat to obey them (not a breath of winde 
ftirring) and gave them faire words, intending 
with ye firft winde to gett without fhott, but 
they fired and fhott at us feirecely, then a fmall 
breeze arifmg of ye lande and we with much 
adoe having weighed o'r small bower and cut o'r 
beft, hoifted fayle and away, and came to an 
anchor out of theire reach ; but before this, I 
being at ye hehne, John Hankes (one of ye fea 
men) fhott at them, which made all keep behind 
trees. We hauling out three mufkets had not a 
bullet, till at laft we found feverall upon ye deck, 



ii'lklliiiSilliaillFSiia!!!!!;::;:!:':!:!!!;!::;!!!!!:!;!:!:' 1 ' 




0fL*i<j0C&JZ 



'Absolute Liberty, Just and True Liberty, Equal and Impartial Liberty.' 



Reproduced from an Original Engraving for Hon. Wm. A. Courtknay, Charleston, S. C. 



AUTOTYPE. E. BIEHSTADT, N. 



The Genesis of Charleston. 109 

which re-fhooting did a little help us, as we flood 
to our failes ; but they fired ftill, but by God's 
mercy hit nobody, but our failes were much dam- 
aged. Ye next day about noone we hoifled and 
away, turneing it out they ftill keeping watch on 
the fhoarc. Saturday May ye 19th we failed 
about ye fhoare with ye winde at South, this 
night we came to anchor in two fathoms and a 
halfe watter. Ye next morning we weighed 
anchor and fleered alongfl fhoare, about 10 of 
ye clocke we made a cannew coming of ye 
fhoare towards us, which proved to be of 4 In- 
dians, they with fignes of friendfhip came aboard. 
We entertained them courteoufly. They told us 
the place right afhoare from thence was Odiftafh 
and as we underflood them, told us there were 
Englifh at Keyawah. They further told us of a 
Cap't Sheedon, and made figns that he would 
fpeak with us, upon this we detained ye chiefefl 
of them and fent one afhoare to that pr'fone 
they fpake of, with a letter to defire him to come 
aboard without much company. Ye three In- 
dians that went with our meffenger afhoare 
promifed to returne after fun fet. About twilight 
they returned with our meffenger and Cap't 
Sheedon and one Capt. Alufh (who were at 
Barbadoes) and many more. This Sheedon told 
us that ye Englifh with two fhipps had been at 
Port Roy all and were now at Keyawah, he 
further promifed us on ye morrow to carry us 

27 



110 The Voyage of the Colonists. 

thither. About 9 of ye clock came another 
cannowe, but we fent theui after a little ftay 
away, being all too numerous. Ye next morn- 
ing we came to faile for Keyawah where we 
found ye Barmudian Sloupe going out a fifhing, 
who piloted us into Keyawah river. 

MR. CARTERET'S RELATION OF THEIR 
PLANTING AT ASHLEY RIVER 70. 

Barniuda, Febr'y 26th, fayling from thence 
we came up with ye land betweene Cape Ro- 
mana and Port Royall, and in 17 days ye 
weather being faire and ye winde not friendly 
ye Longe boate went afhoare ye better to in- 
forme as to ye certainty of ye place where we 
fuppofed we were. Upon its approach to ye 
land few were ye natives who upon ye ftrand 
made fires and came towards us whooping in 
theire own tone and manner, making fignes alfo 
where we should beft land, and when we came 
afhoare they ftroaked us on ye fhoulders with 
their hands, faying Bony Conraro Angles, know- 
ing us to be Engiifh by our collours (as we fup- 
posed). We then gave them braff rings and 
tobacco, at which they feemed well pleafecl, and 
into ye boate after halfe an houre spent with ye 
Indians we betooke ourfelves. They liked our 
company foe well that they would have come 
aboard with us. We found a pretty handfome 



The Genesis of Charleston. Ill 

channell about 3 fathoms and a halfe from ye 
place we landed to ye shippe, through which 
the next day we brought ye fhipp to anchor 
feareing a contrary winde and to gett in for 
fome frefh watter. A day or two after ye Gov- 
ernor whom we tooke in at Barmuda with 
several others went afhore to view ye Land 
here, fome 3 Leagues diftant from the fhipp, car- 
rying along with us one of ye eldest Indians 
who accofted us on ye other day, and as we 
drew to ye fhore a good number of Indians ap- 
peared, clad with deare fkins, having with them 
their bows and arrows, but our Indian calling 
out Appada they withdrew and lodged theire 
bows and returning ran up to ye middle in mire 
and watter to carry us afhore, where when we 
came they gave us ye ftroaking complim't of ye 
country and brought deare fkins, fome raw, fome 
dreft, to trade with us, for which we gave them 
knives, beads and tobacco and glad they were 
of ye Market. By and by came theire women 
clad in their Moffe roabs, bringing their potts to 
boyle a kinde of thickening which they pound 
and make food of, and as they order it being 
dryed makes a pretty fort of bread. They 
brought alfo plenty of Hickery nutts, a wallnut 
in fhape and tafte, onely differing in ye thick- 
neff of the fhell and fmallneff of ye kernell. The 
Governor and feverall others walking a little 
diftance from ye watter fide came to ye Hutt 



112 The Voyage of the Colonists. 

Pallace of his Ma'ty of ye place, who meeteing 
us tooke ye Governor on his fhoulders and car- 
ryed him into ye houfe in token of his chearfull 
entertainment. Here we had nutts and root 
cakes, fuch as their women ufeily make, as be- 
fore, and watter to drink for they ufe no other 
lickquor as I can learne in this countrey. While 
we were here, his Ma'tye's three daughters en- 
tered the Pallace all in new roabs of new moffe, 
which they are never beholding to ye taylor to 
trim up, with plenty of beads of divers collours 
about their necks. I could not imagine that ye 
favages would fo well deport themselves, who 
coming in according to their age and all to falute 
the ftrangers, ftroaking of them. These Indians 
underftanding our bufineff to St. Hellena told us 
that ye Westoes, a rangeing fort of people re- 
puted to be the Mandatoes, had ruinated yt 
place, killed feverall of thofe Indians, deftroyed 
and burnt their habitations and that they had 
come as far as KeyaAvah doeing the like there, 
ye Caffeeka of which place was within one 
fleep of us (which is 24 hours for they reckon 
after that rate) with rnoft of his people whome 
in two days after came aboard of us. 

Leaveing that place, which is called So wee, car- 
rying ye Caffeeka of Kayawah with us, a very 
ingenius Indian and a great linguift in this maine, 
ye winde being very lofty foe that we could not 
deale with ye fhoare, we drove to the Southward 



The Genesis of Charleston. 113 

of Port Royall, where we made a faire opening 
and findeing by obfervation and otherwayes ye 
contrary, we flood five minutes to ye Northward 
and foe gott ye fhipp into Port Royal river (the 
opening there appeared not to ns as Colo'n San- 
ford did relate) ag't which fhoales ley of about 
five leagues to fea. W. N.W. Hilton head boare 
from us when we fteared in, and in (tearing in 
W. N.W and N. W. b. W. we had 21 fathoms at 
low water with breakers on both fides. But 
when your are within you have 5, 6, 7, 8 and 

9 fathoms water and a clear river. I cannot fay 
much of the channel, being but a Landman, but 
this, ye Governor, Capt. Brayne and myfelf took 
ye Longe boate to goe upon difcovery and ftood 
of to fea about 5: or 6: miles clofe aboard the 
Northwardmoft Breakers. We had no leffe than 
5 fathoms at low water ye tyde being fpent and 
the winde proving calm we were forft to make 
in for ye fhoare with ye tyde of flood. Leaveing 
this to Capt. Brayne, who will give you a more 
p'fect accl. than I can. A fmall kinde of whale, 
white about ye head and jowle is very plenty in 
in this river. In two hours' time I beheld about 

10 or 11 of ye kinde, and fome pr'tend and un- 
dertake to fay to be of ye fperm kinde, that 
were worth ye experim't to find out ye truth of 
it. We were two dayes at anchor ere we could 
speake with an Indian. When we did, they con- 
firmed what heard at Sowee. We weighed from 

28 



114 The Voyage of the Colonists. 

Port Koyall river and ran in between St. Hellena 
and Combohe, where we lay at anchor. All ye 
time we ftaide neare ye place where ye diftreffed 
Indian fojourned, who were glad and crying 
Hiddy doddy Comorado Angles Weftoe Skorrye 
(which is as much as to fay) English very good 
friends, Weftoes are nought. They hoped by 
our arrival to be protected from ye Weftoes. 
Often making figns they would engage them 
with their bowes and arrows, and wee should 
with our guns. They often brought us venefon 
and fome deare fkins w'ch wee bought of them 
for beads. Many of us went afhoare at St. 
Hellena and brought back word that ye land 
was good land fupplyed with many Peach trees 
and a competence of timber, a few figg trees 
and fome cedar here and there and that there 
was a mile and a half of cleare land fitt and 
ready to plant. Oyfters in great plenty, all ye 
iflands being rounded with banks of ye kinde, 
in fhape longer and scarcely fee any one round, 
yet good fifh though not altogether of foe 
pleafant tafte as yo'r Walhieet oyfters. Here 
is alfoe wilde Turke which ye Indian brought but 
is not foe pleafant to eate of as ye tame, but 
very flefhy and farr bigger. Ye sloupe w'ch wee 
have with us, bought at Barmuda, was difpatcht 
to Kayawah to viewe that land foe much 
comended by the Caffeeka, brings back a report 
y't y't lande was more fit to plant in than St. 



The Genesis of Charleston. 115 

Hellena which begott a queftion, whether to 
remove from St. Hellena theither or flay. Some 
were of opinion it were more prudent forthwith 
to plant provifions where they were, than betake 
themfelves to a fecond voyage, though small, it 
would not prove a better change, ye enterance 
into that harbour being as difficult as ye other. 
The Governor adhearing for Kayawah and most 
of us being of a temper to follow though wee 
knew no reafon for it, imitating ye rule of ye 
inconfiderate multitude cryed out for Kayawah, 
yet fome diffented from it yet being Aire to take 
a new voyage but difident of a better conve- 
nience, thofe that inclyned for Port Royall were 
looked upon straingely, so thus we came to Kay- 
awah. The land here and at St. Hell'a is much 
at one, ye surface of the earth is a light black- 
ifh mould, under that is whiter and abont 3 or 
4 feet is a clay some read w'th blew vaines and 
fome blew w'th read vaines, foe is all ye land 
I have feen. 

Ffrom Albemarle Point 
in Ashley River, June 25th, 1670. 

Much Hbno'rd and Noble Lord: 

I hope y'or Lord'fp hath rec'd an acco't (long 
before this tyme) of God's providences and deal- 
ings with yo'r fervant and colony here in Caro- 
lina from my felfe, Mr. Well; &c. Though we 



116 The Voyage of the Colonists. 

are (att pr'fent) under fome ftraight for want of 
provifion (incident to the bed of new plantations) 
yet we doubt not (through the goodneff of God) 
of recruits from fundry places to w'ch we have 
fent. But there is one thing w'ch lyes very 
heavy upon us, the want of a Godly and ortho- 
dox Minift'r, w'ch I and many others of us have 
ever lived under, as the greateft of o'r mercyes. 
May it pleafe yo'r Lords'p, in my late country of 
Barmudas, there are divers Minift'rs of whom 
there is one, Mr. Sampfon Bond, heretofore of 
long ftanding in Exeter Colledge in Oxford and 
ordayned by the late Byfhop of Exeter, the old 
Do'r Jofeph Hall, and by a commiffion from 
the Earle of Manchefter and company for the 
Sumer Iflands, fent there in the yeere 1662, for 
the term of three yeers, under whofe powerfull 
and foul edefying miniftry I have lived about 
eight yeeres laft paft. There was nothing in all 
this world foe grievous to my fpirit, as the 
thought of parting with his Godly fociety and 
faythfull miniftry. But I did a little comfort 
myfelfe, that it might pleafe ye Lord by fome 
good meanes or other to enclyne his heart to 
come after us, who hath little refpect from fome 
who are now in authority in Barmudas, w'ch is 
a great difcourag'mt to him, w'ch is taken notice 
off in other places, and he is invited to Bofton in 
New England and to New Yorke by the Gov- 
ernor there, with tenders of large incourage- 



The Genesis of Charleston. 117 

ment, if he will come to ye one or other place. 
I have likewife writt mod earneftly to him de- 
firing that he would come and fitt downe with 
us, affuring him it is not only my urgent requeft 
but with all the mofl hearty requeft of ye Colony 
in generally who were exceedingly affected with 
him and his miniftry all the tyme they were in 
Barmudas. And we fhall all have affured caufe 
to bleff God for him, fo long as we, fhall live, 
might he be gained to be our fettled minifVr. 
Sir John Yeamans was foe much affected with 
him, that he promifed me he would procure a 
commiffion from the King to make him our 
minift'r, aud to the uttmoft, endeavor to procure 
him a confiderable fallary for his incouragem't. 
But I can heare of nothing done by him herein, 
w'ch hath imboldened me (in the name of all ye 
reft) moft humbly to befeech yo'r Lord'fp to put 
on bowellf of great goodneff and compaffion to- 
wardf yo'r Colony here in procuring (w'ch yo'r 
Lord'fp may eafily and speedly doe) a commif- 
fion and competent fallary for him for about five 
or feven years (till the Lord fhall enable us to 
mayntayne him ourfelves) to be paid to him or 
his affignes in London, Barbadoes or elfewhere. 
I doe moft faythfully affure yo'r Lord'fp that 
this Mr. Bond is fo well known, well reported 
off and fo beloved in moft the Carabee Iflands, 
that were it known abroad that he were yo'r 
Minift'r here, it is the judg'mt of fundry prudent 

29 



118 The Voyage of the Colonists. 

perfons, it would (in a little tyme) gaine many 
hundreds of coniiderable perfons to this place. 
Oh that it might not be deemed too much bold- 
neff in me to befeech yo'r Lord'fp with ye de- 
fired commiffion to honor him with yo'r lett'r 
w'ch if it be fent to yo'r Comiffio'r att Barbadoes 
it will foon be difpatcht to him. I fhall not (att 
pr'sent) give yo'r Lord'fp any further trouble, 
takeing my leave with my fixed purpofes to the 
uttmoft during life to further this yo'r Lordf 'ps 
(hytherto) bleffed defigne, ever praying for an in- 
creafe of thofe yo'r Manifeft favors of all kinds 
and degrees of eminent giftf and graces from 
God and likewise for an increafe of yo'r moft 
deferved Honor and noble dignityes from his 
facred Majefty. Refteth yo'r Lord'fp in all hu- 
mility and ffaythefullneff to Honor, obey &c. 

WILLIAM SAYLE 

For the Right Honorable Anthony Lord AJhley 
att Utile Exeter Houfe in the Strand, London. 

Albemarle Poynt at Kyawaw, 
June ye 27th, 1670. 
May it Please Yo'r Lo'p: 

In my laft to yo'r Lo'p, dated ye 28th of May, 
I gave yo'r Lo'p an account by the way of Vir- 
ginia of our proceedings in Carolina, and how 
we came to quitt Port Royall and to begin our 
fettlement at Kyawaw. May it please yo'r Lo'p, 



The Genesis of Charleston. 119 

fmce the departure of the fhip for Virginia, wee 
fent the Shallop back againe to St. Katherina 
with 2 letters, one for the Governour of St. An- 
guftines, the other for ye fifty er at St. Katherina, 
to demand the men y't were detained there by the 
Spaniards, (yo'r Lo'p's kinsman, Mr. Rivers, being 
one of them,) and when ye Shallop came thither 

2 or 3 of our people went afhoare contrary to 
orders, without hoftage and the ffryer rec'ed 
them feemingly w'th much kindneff and told 
them upon his ffaith they fhould not be wronged. 
Whereupon there was 4 of our men went to his 
houfe, were he treated them very civilly and told 
them y't our men were at St. Auguftines, not as 
prifoners, but had theire liberty about the town 
and were entertained at an Englifh man's houfe ; 
but when our men were taking theire leave of 
the ffryer he, betweene a complement and con- 
ftraint, detained 2 of them, upon pretence that 
hee could not lett them goe till hee had an 
anfwer from St. Auguftines. Whereupon after 

3 days ftay our men in the Shallop being in- 
formed by the Indians that there were 3 ships 
at St. Auguftines w'ch would come to surprife 
the Shallop, were forced to weigh anchor for 
their fecurity and come for Kyawaw, leaving 
thofe two men more behind at the ffrver's houfe. 
Now yo'r more Lo'p may please to know that 
wee are forced to fend the Barbadoes Shallop to 
Bermuda for a fupply of provifions, for feare the 



120 The Voyage of 'the Colonists. 

fhip fhould inifcarry at Virginia, for we have 
but 7 weekes provifiou left and y't onely peafe 
at a pint a day a man, the country affording us 
nothing, w'ch makes it goe very hard with us, 
and wee cannot employ our fervants as wee would 
becaufe we have not victualls for them. Our 
corne, potatoes and other things doe thrive very 
well of late, praifed be God, but wee cannot 
have any dependance on it this yeare, but if we 
have kindly fupplys now, wee doe not queftion 
I but to provide for ourfelves ye next yeare,! and 
y't it will prove a very good fettlement and an- 
fwer yo'r Lo'p's expe(5tacon, w'ch is ye defire of 
Yo'r Lo'p's 
Moft humble and faithfull ferv't, 

JOSEPH WEST. 

For the Right Hond'ble Anthony Lord Ashley, at 
Little Exeter House, in the Strand, London. 

Albemarle Point, Sep'r 9th, 1670. 

May it Please Yo'r Honors ; 

In obfervance of our dutyes wee mail not 
omitt any opportunity of giving yo'r Honors a 
faithfull acc't of all our proceedings in this 
place. Purfuant thereunto wee here doe offer 
to yo'r Honors, that for fome time fmce the dif- 
patch of the Carolina from this place to Vir- 
ginia and the floop to Bermuda to bring provi- 
fions and other fupplyes that yo'r Honors' care 



The Genesis of Charleston. 121 

had intended for us, wee have been put to pur- 
chafe our maintenance from the Indians, and y't 
in such small parcells, as we could hardly get 
another fupply before the former was gone, in 
which time of our fo great exigencyes, the Span- 
iard not being ignorant of it, sent out a party 
of their Indians ag't us, as we received intelli- 
gence from the Indians y't are onr friends, who 
lay for fome time in a place called Stonoe neare 
our river's mouth untill the Carolina ffriggot 
arrived here, w'ch was the 22th of Aug't last, 
in w'ch time we receiv'd feverall allarums though 
they never yet came foe far as to action, more 
than when Mr. Henry Braine came upon the 
coaft and went afhoare in his long boat, think- 
ing to meet with our owne Indians being soe 
neare the River's mouth. They fired upon him 
and his company with small shott, notwithstand- 
ing y't the s'd Indians had shewed them a white 
flagg. But before y't time we had put ourselves 
in a reasonable good pofture of receiveing them 
though they had come much in odds, having 
mounted our great guns and fortifyed ourselves 
as well as time and the abilityes of our people 
would give leave, and moved good courage in 
our people, befides the affiftance of fome Indians 
y't were our friends. 

After the fhipps arrived we fent out a p'ty of 
our Indians with two of our own people to dif- 
cover their camp, but when they expected to 

30 



122 TheVoyageof the Colonists. 

come upon them the Spanifh Indians were re- 
treated back againe, as our Indians informe us, at 
the noife of our great gunns, but whether there 
were any Spaniards among them we cannot yet 
receive certaine intelligence, other than one, 
who according to our Indians' description we 
judge to be a fifty er. Neither can we as yet 
know the number of Indians that lay ag't us, 
they exceeding the number of an Indian's acc't. 
The Carolina's fafe arrivall has very much in- 
couraged our people. The more for y't fhe has 
brought us provifions of Indian corne, peafe and 
meale for eight months, foe as wee make noe 
question but (by God's affiftance) thoroughly to 
defend and maintain yo'r Honors' interefts and 
our rights in this place till wee receive a further 
aid, which wee very much ftand need of. Y't soe 
plantations may be managed and yo'r Honors 
finde what wee indeavour to p'fuade, that this 
country will not deceive yo'r Honors' and others' 
expectacons. For which purpofe wee have dif- 
patched the Carolina to Barbadoes, where wee 
understand are a confiderable number of people 
ready to be fhipped for this place, y't fhe may 
make a returne before winter, w'ch will conduce 
much to the fafety of this place and the ease of 
our people, y't have been too much overpreft 
with watching already, and what wee muft ftand 
to upon every occafion. And yet, bleffed be God, 
wee have not loft above foure of our people, who 



The Genesis of Charleston, 123 

dyed upon diflempers usual in other parts, foe far 
may be yo'r Honors be further convinced of the 
healthfulneffe of the place. 

The ftores of all forts doe very much want a 
fupply, efpecially cloathing, being all difposed of 
allready and many of the people unfatiffyed, 
and the winter is like to prove pretty sharp. 
The powder was all damnified, efpecially when 
the sterne of the fhip broke in, foe as there is a 
great neceffity of ten barrells of powder more. 

Wee have received fome cowes and hoggs from 
Virginia, but at an imoderate rate, confidering 
the fmalneffe of their growth, 30s. for a hog, a 
better than w'ch may be bought in England for 
10s. If yo'r Honors had a small stocke in Ber- 
muda from thence may be tranfported to this 
place a very good breed of large Cowes, Hoggs 
and Sheep at farr easier rates. ~ 

The Bahama Iflands lyeing neare this coaft 
from the latt. 34 to 37, being lately setled, and 
as yet in no patents, foe far as wee can under- 
ftand, may be worthy yo'r Honors' care to take 
notice of. For from thence wee can be fupplyed 
with fait, and fhipps goeing home without freight 
(if any fuch fhould be) may take in a loadeing of 
Brazellettoe wood. 

Wee are in great want of an able minifter, by 
whose meanes corrupted youth might be very 
much reclaimed and the people inftructed in the 



1 24 The Voyage of the Colonists. 

true religion, and that the Sabbaoth and service 
of Almighty God be not neglected. 

The Israelites' prosperity decayed when their 
prophets were wanting, for where the Arke of 
God is, there is peace and tranquility. That 
the want thereof may never be knowne to yo'r 
Honors or this place, are the prayers of, 
Yo'r Honor's most faithfull 
Humble fervants, 

WILLIAM SAYLE, 
FLOR. 0. SULLIVAN, 
STE. BULL, 
JOSEPH WEST, 
WITT. SCRIVENER, 
RALPH MARSHALL, 
PAUL. SMYTHE, 
SAMUEL WEST. 
Jos. Dalton, SecWy. 

To the Right Hondble Anthony Lord Ashley, 
Chancellor of His Ma't's Co'rt of Excheq'r, 
and the reft of the Lords Proprietors of Caro- 
lina, at Whitehall, humbly fir sent, London. 

Endorsed: Council at Ashley Riv. to Lords 
Proprietors, 9th Sept., 70. 





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The Genesis of Charleston. 125 

March 4th, 1670. 

To the Right Hon'ble Sir Peter Collington, 
Knight. The humble Declaration of John Rus- 
sell, late M'r of the Porte Roy all, Concern- 
ing his Condicon. 

Shewinge to Your Honour: 

After wee fett sayle and departed from 
England, wee sayled to Kingsale in Ireland, 
where Capt. Weft fhipt a mate on board us, 
from thence wee fayled to the Barbadoes, 
where the Right Hon'ble Sir John Yeomans was 
pleafed to embarque himfelfe on board of us, 
(hee being appoynted as Governor for the fet- 
tlement, leavinge Barbadoes meeting with bade 
weather wee were forced to putt in att Nevis, 
where Sir John was pleased to send on board 
me one Chriftopher Barrowe with inftructions to 
pilott the fhipp to Port Royall, when, the wind 
comeinge about faire wee sett sayle from Nevis, 
haveinge not above a fortnight's water for 44 
people,) and had good weather untill such tyme 
as wee came nere the land where wee found a 
great alteration in soe much that wee were forced 
to part from our fleet, and havinge beene six 
weeks beating from place to place by reafon of 
continuance of foule weather wee were beaten 
of the land 3 severall tymes and were driven to 
such great want of water that wee were all 
ready to perifh, our allowance beinge butt a 

31 



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126 The Voyage of the Colonists. 

pinte and fometyrues halfe a pinte a day, and 
afterwards many of us were forced to drinck 
theyre owne urine and salt water. Being in this 
difmall difpayreinge condition and haveinge by 
the advice of Chriftopher Barrowe beaten or 
driven much to the Southward expectinge fayre 
weather, through his persuasion wee endeavoured 
to touch at the Bahama Iflands and neare the 
ifland of Munjake near Abeco, being in the lati- 
tude of 26.14 minutes, wee were moft unfortu- 
nately call away, beinge a place where neyther 
our Pilott or inyfelf ever were before and both 
altogether unacquainted with, and the rocks 
lying 3 or 4 leagues off the fhoare, foe that wee 
could not poffibly putt in or runn afhore. Butt by 
God's great mercy, by the help of our boate 
wee putt all our people safe upon the ifland, 
where through the neglect and delayes of our 
inhumane Carpenter, who hath been the occa- 
fion of our long and tedious flay, many of our 
people loft theyre lives there. I was forced to 
putt the Carpenter upon another ifland and to 
make a boate myfelfe, by reafon that he would 
not worke, with which boate wee landed our- 
selves upon an ifland called Ellutherea inhabited, 
a place likew T ife unknown to us, where, by the 
inhabitants directions I hyred a fhallop and 
sayled from thence to the ifland called New 
Providence, where wee gott tranfportation for 
moft of us to the Barmoodoes, the reft wee left 



The Genesis of Charleston. 127 

at Providence, except Barrowe and his wife, who 
went to a place called New Yorke ; from Bar- 
moodoes I have fmce fafely arrived att Lon- 
don and have made bold to give you the 
trouble of this accomp't, humbly peticoninge 
your Honour to take itt and mine and the refte 
of our conditions into your Honour's charitable 
confideration, havinge loft all, desiringe your 
Honour to alio we us for the tyme that our sayd 
fhipp raigned. 

Your Honor's most humble serv't, 

JOHN RUSSELL. 

Wee were caft away 12th January, 1670. 

Barbadoes, the 15th of November, 1670. 

Sir: 

Yours of the 28th August last I rec'd with a 
copie of the 30th May laft, the originall whereof 
never came to my hands, the mifcarriage of 
which doth not a little trouble me. About fix 
weekes fince here arrived one Mr. Barrow who 
was in Port Royall friggott bound for Carolina 
and a perfon very industrious in the taking an 
exact accompt of the tranfacceons of their un- 
happy voyage, which hee brought mee with 
feveral papers and Plotts of the Bahamy Illands, 
which I gave to my friend your Brother, Mr. 
Thomas Colletton, for perufall and to fend you 
coppyes thereof, which he hath not as yet re- 



128 The Voyage of the Colonists. 

turned me. Soe that to the particulars of them 
I muft refere you to him. Some few days fince, 
here arrived the Carolina friggott from Caro- 
lina, by which wee have a large and ample ac- 
compt of the people's arriveall and good health 
there, only their deficiency in strength and num- 
ber of People as you will perceive by my gene- 
rail letter to all the Lords Proprietors for what 
supplyes thofe parts cann afford. I have by my 
dayly care and induftry withdrawne feverall 
perfons from their refolutions of other fettle- 
ments, as Colonel Sharpe from New Yorke, who 
intended a large fettlement there but has fuf- 
pended the fame untill a moderation be made 
to the feverall excepcons fpecified in my gene- 
rail letter here inclofed to the Lords, with one 
to Lord Ashley, which pray deliver. I prefume 
the Carolina friggott may be ready about three 
weekes hence to depart for faid province, 
wherein by my perfuafion is bound Capt. God- 
frey and Mr. Thomas Gray, (who was my chiefe 
Agent of all my affaires here,) with a very con- 
fiderable ftrength of fervauts and many others 
unknown to you, foe needles here to name. 
Here is lately paffed an Act in this ifland to pre- 
vent depopulation, in which there are great pen- 
altyes imposed upon fuch perfons that fhall en- 
deavour and perfuade any to goe hence for other 
Colonyes, which will be a great hindrance of 
supplyes from hence. I have onely at prefent 




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The Genesis of Charleston. 129 

to defire your concurrence and urgency with the 
Lords for a fpeedy anfwere to my generall letter, 
wifhing you health and profperity, I affure you ; 
I am 

Your very faithfull fervant, 

JOHN YEAMANS. 

T lief e for my Honored Friende, Sr. Peter Colli- 
ton, Baronett, 

prefent. 




32 



THE 



DISCOVERIES 



OF 



JOHN LEDERER, 

In three several Marches from Virginia to the 

Weft of Carolina, and other parts of the 

Continent: 

Begun in March, 1669, and ended in September, 

1670, 

TOGETHER WITH 

A General Map of the whole Territory which he 

traverfed. 

Collected and Tranflated out of Latine from his 
Difcourfe and Writings, 



By Sir William Talbot, Baronet. 

Sed nos immenfum fpatiis confecimus tsquor, Et jam tempus 
eqimim fmnantia folvere col la. 

Virg Geotg. 



London, Printed by J. C. for Samuel Heyrick, at Grays-Inn-gate in Holborn. 

1672. 



Reprinted by permission from the copy in the Harvard College Library, 
Cambridge, Mass. 



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7b ^<? ift^l Honourable Anthony, Lord Ashley, 
Baron Ashley, of Wimborn, St Giles, Chan- 
cellor of His Majesties Exchequer, JJnder- 
Treasurer of England, one of the Lords Com- 
mijjioners of His Majesties Treasury, one of 
the Lords of His Most Honourable Privie 
Council and of the Lords Proprietors of Car- 
olina : 

My Lord, 

FROM this difcourse it is clear that the long- 
looked for difcovery of the Indian Sea 
does nearly approach ; and Carolina, out of her 
happy experience of your Lordfhips' succefs in 
great undertakings, presumes that the accom- 
plishment of this glorious Designe is referved for 
her. In order to which, the Apalatosan Moun- 
tains (though like the prodigious wall that di- 
vides China and Tarlary, they deny Virginia 
passage into the West Continent) ftoop to your 
Lordfhip's Dominions, and lay open a prospect 
into unlimited Empires, Empires that will here- 
after be ambitious of subjection to that noble 



134 John Lederers Journey 

Government which by your Lordfhip's deep wis- 
dom and providence first projected, is now estab- 
lished in Carolina ; for it will appear that she 
nourishes more by the influence of that, than the 
advantages (he derives from her Climate and 
Soyl, which yet do render her the Beauty and 
envy of North America. That all her glories 
fhould be seen in this draught, is not reasonably 
to be expected, since the fate to my Author but 
once, and then too with a side face ; and there- 
fore I must own that it was never by him de- 
signed for the Press, but publifhed by me, out of 
no other ambition than that of manifefting to the 
world, that I am, 

My Lord, 
You)- Lordjkvp's mo/f humble and 
obedient fer vant, 

William Talbot. 



From Virginia through the Carolinas. 135 



To The Reader. 

THAT a ftranger fhould presume {though 
with Sir William Berkly's Commifsion to 
go into those paints of the American Continent 
where Englishmen never had been, and whither 
fome refused to accompany him, was, in Virginia 
look'd on as so great an insolence, that our 
Traveller at his return, inftead of welcom and 
applaufe, met nothing hut Affronts, and Re- 
proaches ; for indeed it was their part, that for- 
sook him in the Expedition, to procure him dis- 
credit that was a witnefs to theirs : Therefore no 
induftry was wanting to prepare men with a 
prejudice against him, and this their malice im- 
proved to fuch a general Animosity, that lie ivas 
not fafe in Virginia from the outrage of the peo- 
ple, drawn into a perfwasion, that the Publick 
Levy of that year, went all to the expence of his 
Vagaries. Forced by this storm into Maryland, 
he became known to me, though then ill-affected to 
the Man, by the stories that went about of him. 
Neverthelefs finding him, contrary to my expecta- 
tion, a modeft ingenious person, & a pretty 
Scholar, I thought it common justice to give him 
an occajion of vindicating him/elf from what I 
had heard of him ; which truly he did with so 
convincing Reafon and circumjtance, as quite 
aboli/Iied thofe former imprejfions in me, and 

•2 



136 John Lederers Journey 

made me defire this account of his travels, which 
here you have faithfully rendered out of Latine 
from his own writings and Difbour/e, with an 
entire Map of the Territory he traverfed, copied 
from his own hand. All thefe I have compared 
with Indian Relations of thqfe parts [though I 
never met with an Indian that had followed a 
Southweft (Jourfe so far as this German) and 
finding them agree, I thought the Printing of 
thefe Papers was no injury to the Author, and 
might prove a Service to the Publick. 

William Talbot. 




THE 

Discoveries of John Lederer, 

From Virginia to the weft of Carolina, and other 
parts of the Continent. 

A GENERAL AND BRIEF ACCOUNT OF THE 
NORTH AMERICAN CONTINENT. 

NORTH, ay well as South America, may be 
divided into three Regions : the Flats, the 
Highlands, and the Mountains. The Flats, (in 
Indian, Ahkynt) is the territory lying between 
the Ealtern Coaft and the falls of the great 
Rivers, that there run into the Atlantick ocean, 
in extent generally taken Ninety miles. The 
Highlands (in Indian, Ahkontfchuck) begin at 
thofe falls and determine at the foot of the great 
ridge of Mountains that run thorow the midft of 
this Continent, Northeast and Southwest, called 
by the Spaniards Apalatcei, from the Nation 
Apalakin • and by the Indians, Pcemotinck. Ac- 
cording to the beft of my obfervation and con- 
jecture they lie parallel to the Atlantick Sea 
coast, that bearing from Canada to Cape Florida, 
Northeaft and Southwell, and then falling off 
due West as the Mountains do at Sara : but here 



138 John Lederer's Journey 



they take the name of Suala ; Sara in the War- 
renunncock dialect being Sasa ov Sualy. 

The Flats, or Ahkynt, are by former writers 
made so well known to Christendom, that I will 
not flop the Reader here with an unnecefsary 
defcription of them, but fhall onely fay that by the 
ranknefs of the Sovl, and salt moiftness of the 
air, daily difcoveries of Fish shells three fathoms 
deep in the earth, and Indian tradition ; thefe 
parts are suppofed some ages past to have been 
under the fea. 

The Highlands (or AMontshuck) though under 
the same parallels, are happie notwithstanding 
in a more temperate and healthful air. The 
ground is overgrown with underwood in many 
places, and that so perplext and interwoven with 
vines, that who travels here lmift sometimes 
cut through his way, These thickets harbour 
all sorts of beafts of prey, as Wolves, Panthers, 
Leopards, Lions, &c, (which are neither so large 
nor so fierce as those of Asia and Africa) and 
small vermine, as Wilde Cats, Foxes and 
Racoons. These parts were formerly possessed 
by the Taccl, alias Dogi, but they are extinct, 
and the Indians now feated here, are distin- 
tinguished into the several Nations of Mahoc, 
Nuntaneuck, alias Nuntaly, Nahyssan, Sapon, 
Managog, Mangoack, Akenatzy, and Monakin, 
&c. One language is common to them all, 
though they differ in dialects. The parts inhab- 



From Virginia through the Carolinas. 139 

ited here are pleasant and fruitful, because 
cleared of wood, and laid open to the fun. The 
valleys feed numerous herds of Deer and Elks 
larger than oxen ; thefe valleys they call 5a- 
vancu, being Marish grounds at the foot of the 
Apalatcei, and yearly laid under water in the be- 
ginning of Summer by floods of melted fnow 
falling down from the Mountains. 

The Apalatcean Mountains, called in Indian 
Pcemotinck, (or the origine of the Indians) are 
barren rocks, and therefore deferted by all living 
creatures but Bears, who cave in the hollow 
Cliffs. Yet do thefe Mountains shoot out to the 
Eastward great promontories of rich land, 
known by the high and spreading trees which 
they bear ; thefe promontories, becaufe lower 
than the main ridge, are called by the Indians 
Taux Pcemotinck (alias Aquati.) To the North 
east the Mountains rise higher; and at Sara they 
sink so low that they are eafdy pafsed over, but 
here (as was said before) they change their 
courfe and name, running due West and being- 
called Sualy ■ now the Sualian Mountains rise 
higher and higher Westward. 

Of the Manners and Cuftoms of the Indians, In- 
habiting the Weflern parts of Carolina and 
Virginia. 

The Indians now seated in thefe parts are 
none of thofe which the English removed from 



140 John Lederer's Journey 

Virginia, but a people driven by the enemy 
from the Northweft, and invited to fit down 
here by an Oracle above four hundred years 
fince, as they pretend for the ancient inhabitants 
of Virginia were far more rude and barbarous, 
feeding only upon raw flesh and fish, until thefe 
taught them to plant corn, and (hewed them the 
use of it. 

But before I treat of their ancient Manners 
and Customs, it is necefsary I fhould (how by 
what means the knowledge of them hath been 
conveyed from former ages to pofterity. Three 
ways they supply their want of Letters : first, by 
Counters, secondly by Emblems or Hieroglyph- 
icks, thirdly by Tradition delivered in long tales 
from father to son, which being children they 
are made to learn by rote. For counters, they 
ufe either Pebbles, or fhort scantlings of ftraw or 
reeds. Where a Battel has been fought, or a 
colony feated, they raise a small Pyramid of 
these stones, confifting of the number fjain or 
tranfplanted. Their reeds and ffcraws ferve them 
in Religious Ceremonies for they lay them 
orderly in a circle when they prepare for de- 
votion or sacrifice ; and that performed, the 
Circle remains still ; for it is sacrilege to disturb 
or to touch it, the dispofition and forting of the 
ftraws and reeds fhew what kind of rites have 
there been celebrated, as Invocation, Sacrifice, 
Burial, &c. 



From Virginia through the Carolinas. 141 

The faculties of the minde and body they 
commonly exprefs by Emblems. By the figure 
of a Stag, they imply Swiftness ; by that of a 
Serpent, wrath ; of a Lion, courage ; of a Dog, 
fidelity ; by a fwan they signifie the English, al- 
luding to their complexion and flight over the 
Sea. 

An account of Time, and other things, they 
keep on a ftring or leather thong tied in knots 
of feveral colours. I took particular notice of 
final! wheels ferving for this purpose amongft 
the Oenocks, becaufe I have heard that the 
Mexicans life the fame, Every nation gives his 
particular Enfigne or arms : The Sasquesahan- 
augh a Tarapine, or fmall Tortoife ; the Aken- 
atzi/s a Serpent ; the Nahyssanes three Arrows, 
&c. In this they likewife agree with the Mex- 
ican Indians. Vid. Jos. a Costa. 

They worfhip one God, Creator of all things, 
whom some call Okcee, others Mannith • to him 
alone the Highprieft, or Periku, offers sacrifice, 
and yet they believe he has no regard to sub- 
lunary affairs, but commits the Government of 
Mankinde to leffer Deities, as Quiacosough and 
Tagkany 'sough, that is, good and evil Spirits : to 
thefe the inferior Priefts pay their devotion and 
Sacrifice, at which they make recitals, to a la- 
mentable tune, of the great things done by their 
Ancestors. 

From four women, viz : Pash, Sepoy, Askarin 



1 1- t/c>^2 Lederers Journey 

and Maraskarin, they derive the Race ofMan- 
kiude ; which they therefore divide into four 
Tribes, diftinguifhed under thofe feveral names- 
They very religiously obferve the degrees of 
marriage, which they limit not to diftance of 
kindred ; but difference of tribes, which are 
continued in the iffue of the female ; now for 
two of the fame tribe to match is abhorred as 
incest and punished with great feverity. 

Their places of Burial they divide into four 
quarters, affigning to every Tribe one ; for, to 
mingle their bodies, even when dead, they hold 
wicked and ominous. They commonly wrap 
up the corps in beafts ; skins, and bury with it 
Provifion and Household fluff for its ufe in the 
other world. When their great men die they 
likewife flay prifoners of war to attend them. 
They believe the tranfmigration of fouls : for 
the Angry they fay is poffeft with the spirit of a 
ferpent ; the Bloudy with that of a Wolf ; the 
Timorous of a Deer; the Faithful, of a Dog, 
&c, and therefore they are figured by thefe 
Emblems. 

Elizium, or the abode of their leffer Deities, 
they place beyond the Mountains and Indian 
Ocean. 

Though they want thofe means of Improving 
Humane Reason, which they ufe of Letters 
affords us ; let us not therefore conclude them 
wholly deftitute of Learning and Sciences ; for by 



From Virginia through the Carolinas. 143 

thefe little helps which they have found, many 
of them advance their natural underftandings to 
great knowledge in Physick, Ehetorick and 
Policie of Government ; for I have been prefent 
at feveral of my Confultations and Debates, and 
to my admiration have heard fome of their 
Seniors deliver themselves with as much judge- 
ment and Eloquence as I fhould have expected 
from men of Civil education and literature. 




The First Expedition 

From the head of Pamceoncock, alias York 
River (due West) to the top of the Apalatcen 
Mountains. 

Upon the ninth of March, 1G69, (with three 
Indians whofe names were Magtakunk, Hopotto- 
guoh, and NaunugJi) I went out at the falls of 
Pemceoncoch, alias York River in Virginia, from 
an Indian Village called Shickehamany , and lay 
that night in the woods, encountring nothing 
remarkable, but a Rattle snake of extraordi- 
nary size and thicknefs, for I judged it two 
yards and a half and better from head to tail, 
and as big about as a man's arm ; by the dis- 
tention of her belly we believed her full with 
young, but having killed and opened her found 
there a small squirrel whole ; which caused in 
me a double wonder : first, how a Reptile should 
catch so nimble a creature as a squirrel, and 
having caught it, how could she swallow it 
entire. The Indians in resolving my doubts, 
plunged me into a greater astonilhment, when 
they told me it was usual with thefe ferpents when 



From Virginia through the Carolinas. 145 

they lie basking in the fun, to fetch down thefe 
squirrels from the tops of the trees, by fixing 
their eyes steadfastly upon them, the horrour of 
which ftrikes fuch an affrightment into the 
little beaft that he has no power to hinder him- 
self from tumbling down into the jaws of his 
enemy, who takes in all his fuftenance without 
chewing, his teeth serving him only to offend 
withal. But I rather believe what I have 
heard from others, that thefe Serpents climb the 
trees and furprife their prey in the nest. 

The next day falling into Marish grounds be- 
tween Pemceoncock and the head of the River 
Matapeneugh, the heavineff of the way obliged 
me to crofl Pemceoncock, where its North and 
South branch (called Ackmick) joyn in one. In 
the Peninsula made by thefe two branches, a 
great Indian King called Tottopotoma was here- 
tofore (lain in Battel, fighting for the Christians 
against the Mahocks and NahyJ/ans, from which 
it retains his name to this day. Travelling 
thorow the Woods, a Doe seized by a wild Cat 
croffed our way ; the miferable creature being 
even fpent and breathleff with the burden and 
cruelty of her rider, who having fattened on her 
fhoulder, left not fucking out her bloud until fhe 
funk under him ; which one of the Indians per- 
ceiving, let flie a luckie Arrow, which piercing 
him thorow the belly, made him quit his prey 
already (lain, and turn with a terrible grimas at 



146 John Lederer's Journey 

us ; but his ftrength and spirits failing him we 
efcaped his revenge, which had certainly ensued, 
were not his wound mortal. This creature is 
something bigger than our English Fox of a 
reddish grey colour, and in figure every way 
agreeing with an ordinary cat, fierce, ravenous 
and cunning ; for finding the Deer (upon which 
they delight mofl to prey) too swift for them, 
they watch upon branches of trees, and as they 
walk or feed under, jump down upon them. 
The Fur of the wilde Cat, though not very fine, 
is yet esteemed for its virtues in taking away 
cold Aches and Pains, being worn next to the 
body ; their flefh, though rank as a dog's, is 
eaten by the Indians. 

The eleventh and twelfth I found the ways 
very uneven, and cumbered with bufhes. 

The thirteenth I reached the firft fpring of 
Pemceoncock, having croffed the River four 
times that day, by reafon of its many windings ; 
but the water was so (h allow, that it hardly wet 
my horfe's posterns. Here a little under the 
furface of the earth I found flat pieces of petri- 
fied matter, of one side folid ftone, but on the 
other side isinglass, which I eafily peeled off in 
flakes about four inches fquare ; several of thefe 
pieces, with a transparent ftonelike crystal that 
cut glaff, and a white Marchafite that I pur- 
chafed of the Indians, I presented to Sir Wil- 
liam Berkeley, Governor of Virginia. 



From Virginia through the Carolinas. 147 

The fourteenth of March from the top of 
an eminent hill, I first defcried the Apalatcean 
Mountains, bearing due Weft to the place I 
ftood upon; their diftance from me was so 
great that I could hardly difcern whether they 
were Mountains or clouds, until my Indian 
fellow travellers proftratingthemfelves in addor- 
ation, howled out after a barbarous manner, 
Okiepceze, i. e., God is nigh. 

The fifteenth of March, not far from this hill, 
paffmg over the South branch of Rapahanock 
River, I was almoft fwallowed in a Quickfand. 
Great herds of Red and Fallow Deer I daily 
faw feeding ; and on the hillfides, Bears crash- 
ing Mast like Swine. Small Leopards I have 
feen in the woods, but never any Lions, though 
their fkins are much worn by the Indians. The 
wolves in thefe parts are so ravenous that I 
often in the night feared that my horfe would be 
devoured by them, they would gather up and 
howl so clofe round about him, though tether'd 
to the same tree at whofe foot I myfelf and the 
Indians lay, but the Fires which we made, 
I fuppofe, feared them from worrying us all. 
Beaver and Otter I met with at every 
river that I paffed ; and the woods are full of 
grey Foxes. 

Thus I travelled all the fixteenth; and on the 

feventeenth of March I reached the Apalatcei. 

The Air here is very thick and chill ; and the 
4 



148 John Lederer's Journey 

waters iffuing from the Mountain fides, of a 
Blue colour, and Allumifh tafte. 

The eighteenth of March, after I had in vain 
affayed to ride up, I alighted, and left my horfe 
with one of the Indians, whilft with the other 
two I climbed up the Rocks and, which were so 
incumbered with bufhes and brambles, that the 
afcent proved very difficult ; befides the preci- 
pice was so fteep that if I look't down I was 
immediately taken with a fwimming in my 
head, though afterward the way was more 
easie. The height of this mountain was very 
extraordinary, for notwithftanding I fet out with 
the first appearance of light, it was late in the 
evening before I gained the top, from whence 
the next morning I had a beautiful prospect of 
the Atlantlck Ocean wafhing the Virginia fhore ; 
but to the North and Weft my sight was fud- 
denly bounded by mountains higher than that I 
ftood upon. Here did I wander in fnow, for the 
moft part, till the four and twentieth day of 
March, hoping to finde fome paffage through the 
mountains, but the coldneff of the air and earth 
together, feizing my hands and Feet with numb- 
neff, put me to a ne plus ultra • and therefore 
having found my Indian at the foot of the 
Mountain with my Horfe, I returned back by 
the fame way that I went. 




The Second Expedition 

From the Falls of Powhatan, alias James River, 
in Virginia, to Mohock in the Apalatwn 
Mountains. 



The twentieth of May, 1670, one Major 
Harris and myself, with twenty Christian 
Horfe and five Indians, marched from the Falls 
of James River, in Virginia, towards the Mona- 
kins, and on the two and twentieth were wel- 
comed by them with volleys of fhot. Near this 
village we obferved a pyramid of ftones piled up 
together, which their Priefts told us, was the 
number of an Indian Colony drawn out by Lot 
from a neighbour-Countrey over-peopled and 
led hither by one Monack, from whom they take 
the name of Monakin. Here enquiring the way 
to the mountains, an ancient Man defcribed with 
a staffe two paths on the ground ; one pointing 
to the Mohocks, and the other to the Nahy/fcms ; 
but my Englijh Companions flighting the In- 
dians direction, fhaped their courfe by the com- 



150 John Lederers Journey 

paff due West ; and therefore it fell out with us, 
as it does with thofe Sand Crabs, that crawling 
backwards in a direct line, avoid not the trees 
that fiand in their way, but climbing over their 
very tops, come down again on the other fide, 
and so after a day's labour gain not above two 
foot of ground. Thus we obftinately purfuing 
a due West courfe, rode over fteep and craggy 
Cliffs, which beat our horfes quite off the hoof. 
In thefe mountains we wandered from the 
Twenty-fifth of May till the third of June, 
finding very little fustenance for Man or Horfe : 
for thefe places are deflitute both of Grain and 
Herbage. 

The third of June we came to the South 
branch of James River which Major Harris 
obferving to run Northward, vainly imagined 
to be an arm of the Lake of Canada • and 
was so transported with this Fancy, that he 
would have raised a Pillar to the difcovery 
if the fear of the Maliock Indian, and want 
of food, had permitted him to ftay. Here 
I moved to croff the river and march on ; but 
the reft of the company were so weary of the 
enterprize, that crying out One and All, they 
had offered violence to me, had I not been pro- 
vided with a private commiffion from the Gov- 
ernor of Virginia to proceed, though the rest ot 
the company fhould abandon me ; the fight of 
which laid their fury. 



From Virginia through the Carolinas. 151 

The lelfer Hills or Akont/huck, are here un- 
pafFable, being both fteep and craggy. The 
rocks feemed to me at 9 diftance to refemble 
eggs fet up on end. 

James Riv r er is here as broad as it is about an 
hundred mile lower at Monakin, the paffage 
over is very dangerous, by reafon of the rapid 
Torrents made by Rocks and (helves forcing the 
water into narrow Channels. From an observa- 
tion which we made of ftraws and rotten 
chuncks hanging in boughs of trees on the bank, 
and two and twenty foot above water, we 
argued that the melted fnow falling from the 
Mountains f welled the River to that height, the 
Flood carrying down that rubbifh which, upon 
the abatement of the inundation, remained in 
the Trees. 

The Air in thefe parts were so moid that all our 
Bifcuit became mouldy and unfit to be eaten, so 
that fome nicer ftomachs, who at our fetting out 
laughed at my provifion of Indian meal 
parched, would gladly now have fhared with 
me, but I being determined to go upon further 
Difcoveries refufed to part with any of that 
which was to he my moft necejfary fuftenance. 



152 John Lederer's Journey 

The Continuation of the Second Expedition 
from Mahock, Southward, into the Province of 
Carolina. 

The fifth of June, my company and I parted 
good friends, they back again, and I with one 
Safquefahanough Indian, named Jackzetavon, 
only, in purfnit of my first enterprize, changing 
my courfe from Weft to South-weft and by 
South, to avoid the mountains. Major Harris 
at parting gave me a Gun, believing me a loft 
man, and given up as a prey to Indians or lav- 
age beafts ; which made him the bolder in Vir- 
ginia to report ftrange things in his own praise 
and my difparagement, prefuming I would never 
return to difprove him. This, I fuppose, and no 
other, was the caufe that he did with so mnch 
industry procure me difcredit and odium ; but I 
have loft nothing by it, but what I never ftudied 
to gain, which is popular Applause. 

From the fifth, which was Sunday until the 
ninth of June, I travelled through different 
Ways, without feeing any Town or Indian ; and 
then I arrived at Sapon, a village of the Nahyf- 
fans, about an hundred miles diftant from 
Mahock, fituate upon a branch of Sha.wan, alias 
Rorenock River; and though I had just caufe to 
fear thefe Indians, becaufe they had been in 
continual hoftility with the Chriftians for ten 
years before ; yet prefuming that the truck 



From Virginia through the Carolinas. 153 

which I carried with me would procure my 
welcome, I adventured to put niyfelf into their 
power, having heard that they never offer any 
injury to a few perfons from whom they appre- 
hend no danger; nevertheleff they examined 
me ftrictly whence I came, whither I went, and 
what my bufineff was. But after I had beftowed 
fome trifles of Glaff and Metal amongft them, 
they were fatisfied with reasonable anfwers, and 
I received with all imaginable demonftrations of 
kindneff, as offering of facrifice, a compliment 
(hewed only to fuch as they defign particularly 
to honour ; but they went further, and confulted 
their Godds whether they fhould not admit me 
into their Nation and Councils, and oblige me to 
ftay amongft them by a Marriage with the 
Kings or fome of their great Mens Daughters. 
But I, though with much ado, waved their 
courtefie, and got my Paftport, having given my 
word to return to them within fix months. 

Sapon is within the limits of the Province of 
Carolina, and as you may perceive by the 
Figure, has all the attributes requisite to a 
pleasant and advantageous feat ; for though it 
ftands high, and upon dry land, it enjoyes the 
benefit of a (lately River, and a rich Soyl, capa- 
ble of producing a great many commodities, 
which may hereafter render the trade of it con- 
siderable. 

Not far diftant from hence, as I underftand 



154 John Lederer's Joui 



•ney 



from the Nahyjfan Indians, is their King's Refi- 
dence, called Pintahce, upon the fame River, and 
happy in the fame advantages both for pleamre 
and profit ; which my curiofity would have led 
me to fee, were I not bound both by Oath and 
Commiffion to a direct purfuance of my in- 
tended purpofe of difcovering a paffage to the 
further fide of the Mountains. 

This Nation is governed by an absolute Mon- 
arch ; the people of a high ftature, warlike and 
rich. I faw great ftore of Pearl unbored in 
their little Temples and Oratories, which they 
had won amongft other fpoils from the Indians 
of Florida, and hold in as great efteem as we 
do. 

From hence, by the Indians' inftructions, I 
directed my courfe to Akenatzy, an Island bear- 
ing South and by Weft, and about fifty miles 
diftant, upon a branch of the fame River, from 
Sapon. The countrey here, though high, is 
level, and for the moft part a rich Soyl, as I 
judged by the growth of the trees; yet where 
it is inhabited by Indians, it lies open in fpacious 
Plains, and is bleffed with a very healthlul Air, 
as appears by the age and vigour of the peo- 
ple; and though I travelled in the month of 
June, the heat of the weather hindered me not 
from Riding at all hours without any great 
annoyance from the fun. By eafie journeys I 
landed at Akenatzy upon the twelfth of Jane. 



fflom Virginia through the Carolinas. 155 

The current of the river is here so ftrong, that 
my Horfe had much difficulty to refist it, and I 
expected every ftep to be carried away with the 
ftream. 

This Ifland, though fmall, maintains many in- 
habitants, who are fix'd here in great fecurity, 
being naturally fortified with Faftneffes of moun- 
tains, and water on every fide, Upon the 
North fhore they yearly reap great crops of 
corn, of which they always have a twelve- 
month Provifion aforehand, againft an invafion 
from their powerful Neighbours. Their Govern- 
ment is under two Kings, one prefiding in Arms, 
the other in Hunting and Husbandry. They 
hold all things, except their wives, in common ; 
and their cuftome in eating is, that every man in 
his turn, feasts all the reft ; and he that makes 
the entertainment is feated betwixt the two 
Kings; where higely commending his own 
chear they carve and diftribute it amongft the 
guefts. 

At my arrival here I met four ftranger Indians, 
whofe bodies were painted in various colours 
with figures of Animals whofe likeneff I had 
never feen, and by fome difcourfe and fignes 
which paffed between us, I gathered that they 
were the only furvivours of fifty, who fet out 
together in company from fome great Ifland, as 
I conjecture, in the North weft, for I underftood 
that they croffed a great Water, in which moft 



156 John Lederer's Journey 

of their party perifhed by tempeft, the reft 
dying in the Marifhes and Mountains by famine 
and hard weather, after a two-months travel by 
Land and Water in quest of this Ifland of 
Akenatzy. 

The inoft reafonable conjecture that I can 
frame out of this Relation, is, that thefe Indians 
might come from the Ifland of new Albion or 
California, from whence we may imagine fome 
great arm of the Indian Ocean or Bay ftretches 
into the Continent towards the Apalatcen Moun- 
tains in the nature of a mid-land Sea, in which 
mairy of thefe Indians might have perifhed. To 
confirm my opinion in this point, I have heard 
feveral Indians teftifie, that the Nation of Ricka- 
hockans, who dwell not far to the Weftward of 
the Apalatcen Mountains, are feated upon a 
Land, as they term it, of great Waves, by which 
I fuppofe they mean the Sea-fhore. 

The next day after my arrival at Akenatzy, a 
Rickahockan Ambaffadour, attended by five 
Indians, whofe faces were coloured Awripigmen- 
tum (in which Mineral thefe parts do much 
abound) was received, and that night invited to 
a Ball of their fafhion ; but in the height of 
their mirth and dancing by a fmoke contrived 
for that purpofe, the Room was fuddenly dark- 
ened, and for what cause I know not, the Rick- 
ahoekan and his retinue barbarously murthered. 
This (truck me with fuch an affrightment, that 



From Virginia through the Carolinas. 157 

the very next day, without taking my leave of 
them, I flunk away with my Indian companion. 
Though the defire of informing myfelf further 
concerning fome minerals, as Auripigmentum, 
&c, which I there took fpecial notice of, would 
have perfuaded me to flay longer amongft them, 
had not the bloody example of their treachery 
to the Rickohockans frighted me away. 

The fourteenth of June, purfuing a South 
southweft courfe, fometimes by a beaten path 
and fometimes over hills and rocks, I was forc'd 
to take up my quarters in the Woods: for 
though the Oenoek Indians, whom I then 
fought, were not in a direct line above thirty 
odde miles diftant from Akenatzy, yet the ways 
were fuch, and obliged me to go so far about, 
that I reached Oenoek until the fixteenth. 
The country here, by the industry of these 
Indians, is very open and clear of wood. Their 
Town is built round a field, where in their 
Sports they exercife with so much labour and 
violence, and in so great numbers, that I have 
feen the ground wet with the fweat that dropped 
from their bodies; their chief recreation is fling- 
ing of ftones. They are of mean ftature and 
courage, covetous and thievifh, induftrious to 
earn a peny, and therefore hire themfelves out 
to their neighbors, who employ them as 
Carryers or Porters. They plant abundance 
of Grain, reap three crops in a fummer, 



158 John Lederer's Journey 

and out of their Granary fupply all the 
adjacent parts. Thefe and the Mountain In- 
dians build not their houfes of bark, but of 
Watling and Plaister. In Summer the heat of 
the weather makes them chufe to lie abroad in 
the night under thin arbours of wilde Palm. 
Some houfes they have of Reed and Bark ; they 
build them generally round : to each houfe be- 
longs a little hovel made like an oven, where 
they lay up their Corn and Maffc, and keep it 
dry. They parch their Nuts and Acorns over 
the fire to take away their rank Oylineff, which 
afterwards preffed, yield a milky liquor, and the 
Acorns an Amber colour' d Oyl. In thefe min- 
gled together, they dip their Cakes at great en- 
tertainments, and so serve them up to their 
guefts as an extraordinary dainty. Their Gov- 
ernment is Democratick ; and the Sentences of 
their old men are received as Laws, or rather 
Oracles, by them. 

Fourteen miles Weft Southwell: of the 
Oenocks dwell the Shackory Indians, upon a 
rich Soyl, and yet abounding in Antimony, of 
which they fhewed me confiderable quantities. 
Finding them agree with the Oenocks in Cus- 
toms and Manners I made no ftay here, but 
paffmg thorow their town I travelled till the 
nineteenth of June; then after a two days 
troublefome journey thorow thickets and 
Marifh grounds I arrived at Watary above 



From Virginia through the Carolinas. 159 

fourty miles diftant, and bearing Weft South- 
weft to Shakor. This Nation differs in Govern- 
ment from all the other Indians of thefe parts ; 
for they are ilaves rather then fubjects to their 
King. Their prefent Monarch is a grave man, 
and courteous to ftr angers ; yet I could not 
without horrour behold his barbarous fuperfti- 
tion, in hiring three youths and fending them 
forth to kill as many young women of their 
enemies as they could light on, to ferve his fon, 
then newly dead, in the other world, as he 
vainly fancyed. Thefe youths during my ftay 
returned with f kins torn off the heads and faces 
of three young girls, which they prefented to 
his Majeftie, and were by him gratefully re- 
ceived. 

I departed from Watary the one and twen- 
tieth of June, and keeping a Weft courfe for 
near thirty miles, I came to Sara • here I found 
the ways more level and eafie. Sara is not far 
diftant from the Mountains, which here lofe 
their height, and change their courfe and name ; 
for they run due Weft, and receive from the 
Spaniards the name of Suala. From thefe 
Mountains or Hills the Indians draw great 
quantities of Cinabar, with which beaten to 
powder they colour their faces ; this Mineral is 
of a deeper purple than Vermilion, and is the 
fame which is in so much efteem amongft Phyfi- 
tians, being the firft element of Quickfilver. 



160 John Lederer's Journey 

I did likewife, to my no fmall admiration, 
find hard cakes of white Salt amongft them, 
but whether they were made of Sea water or 
taken out of Salt pits I know not, but am apt to 
believe the later, becaufe the fea is so remote 
from them. 

Many other rich Commodities and minerals 
there are undoubtedly in these parts, which if 
poffeffed by an ingenious and induftrious people 
would be improved to vaft advantages by Trade. 
But having tied myself up to things onely that I 
have feen in my Travels, I will deliver no con- 
jectures. 

Lingua sile non eft ultra narrabile quidquam. 
Thefe Indians are so indifcreetly fond of their 
children that they will not chaftise them for 
any mifchief or infolence. A little Boy had (hot 
an Arrow thorow my Body had I not recon- 
ciled him to me with gifts ; and all this anger 
was becaufe I fpurred my horfe out of another 
Arrow's way which he directed at him. This 
caufed fuch a mutiny amongst the Youth of the 
Town, that the Seniors taking my horfe and felf 
into protection, had much ado (and that by en- 
treaties and prayers, not commands) to appeafe 
them. 

From Sara I kept a South Southweft courfe 
until the five and twentieth of June, and then I 
reached Wifacky. This three days march was 
more troublefome to me then all my travels be- 



From Virginia through the Carolinas. 161 

fides; for the direct way which I took from. 
Sara to Wifacky is over a continued Marifh 
overgrown with Reeds, from whofe roots fprung 
knotty flumps as hard and fharp as Flint. I was 
forced to lead my horfe moft part of the way, 
and wonder that he was not either plunged in 
the Bogs, or lamed by thofe rugged knots. 

This Nation is fubject to a neighbour King 
refiding upon the bank of a great Lake called 

Ufaery, invironed of all sides with Mountains, 
and Wifacky Marifh ; and therefore I will detain 
the Reader no longer with the difcourfe of them, 
because I comprehend them in that of JJJJtery. 

The six and twentieth of June, having croffed 
a frefh River, which runs into the Lake of 

TJJJiery, I came to the Town, which was 
more populous then any I had feen before in 
my March. The King dwells some three miles 
from it, and therefore I had no opportunity of 
feeing him the two nights which I flayed there. 
This Prince, though his dominions are large and 
populous, is in continual fear of the Oujtack 
Indians feated on the oppofite fide of the Lake ; 
a people so addicted to Arms that even their 
women come into the field and fhoot Arrows 
over their husbands moulders, who fhield them 
with Leathern targets. The men itfeems fhould 
fight with Silver Hatchets ; for one of the TJJh- 
erers told me they were of the fame metal with 
the Pomel of my fword. They are a cruel gen- 
eration, and prey upon people, whom they either 



162 John Lederer's Journey 

fteal, or force away from the U/heryes in Peri- 
ac/ois, to facrifice to their Idols. 

The TJJhery women delight much in feather 
ornaments, of which they have great variety ; 
but Peacocks in moft efteem, becaufe rare in 
thofe parts. They are reafonably handfome, and 
have more of civility in their carriage then I 
obferved in the other Nations with whom I con- 
verfed ; which is the reafon the men are more 
effeminate and lazie. 

Thefe miferable wretches are ftrangely infat- 
uated with illufions of the devil ; it caufed no 
fmall horrour in me to fee one of them wrythe 
his neck all on one fide, foam at the mouth, ftand 
barefoot upon burning coals for near an hour, 
and then recovering his fenfes, leap out of the 
fire without hurt, or figne of any. This I was 
an eye-witneff of. 

The water of TJJJtery Lake feemed to my 
taste a little brackifh, which I rather impute to 
fome Mineral waters which flow into it, then to 
any saltneff it can take from the Sea, which we 
may reafonably fuppofe is a great way from it. 
Many pleafant Rivulets fall into it, and it is 
ftored with great plenty of excellent fifh. I 
judged it to be about ten leagues broad; for 
were not the other more very high, it could not 
be difcerned from TJJhery. How far this Lake 
tends Weflerly, or where it ends, I could neither 
learn or guess. 



From Virginia through the Oarolinas. 163 

Here I made a day's flay, to inform myfelf 
further in thefe Countries ; and underdo od both 
from the UJkeries, and fome Sara Indians that 
came to trade with them, that two days journey 
and a half from hence to the Southweft, a pow- 
erful Nation of Bearded men werefeated, which 
I fuppofe to be the Spaniards, becaufe the In- 
dians never have any ; it being a univerfal cus- 
tom amongft them to prevent their growth, by 
plucking the young hair out by the roots. 
Weftward lies a Government inhofpitable of 
ftrangers, and to the North, over the Suala 
mountains lay the Rickohockans. I thought it 
not fafe to venture myfelf amongft the Span- 
iards, left taking me for a fpy they would either 
make me away, or condemn me to a perpetual 
flavery in their Mines. Therefore not thinking 
fit to proceed further, the eight and twentieth of 
June I faced about and looked homeward. 

To avoid Wisacky Mariih I fhaped my courfe 
Northeaft, and after three days travel over hilly 
ways, where I met with no path or road, I fell 
into a barren Sandy defert, where I fuffered 
miferably for want of water ; the heat of the 
Summer having drunk all the Springs dry, and 
left no figne of any, but the gravelly chanels 
in which they run ; so that if now and then I 
had not found a ftanding Pool, which provident 
Nature fet round with fhady Oaks, to defend it 
from the ardour of the fun, my Indian compan- 



164 John Lederer's Journey 

ion, horfe and felf had certainly perifhed with 
thirft. In this diftreff we travelled till the 
twelfth of July and then found the head of a 
River, which afterward proved Eruco; in which 
we received not only the comfort of a neceffary 
and feafonable refrefhinent, but likewife the 
hopes of coming into a country again where 
we might finde Game for food at least, if not 
difcover fome new Nation or people. Nor did 
our hopes fail us ; for after we had crofPed the 
River twice, we were led by it upon the four- 
teenth of July to the Town of Katearas, a place 
of great Indian Trade and Commerce, and chief 
feat of the haughty Emperour of the Tojkiroros, 
called Ra/kufara, vulgarly Ra/kous. His grim 
Majeftie, upon my firft appearance, demanded 
my Gun and Shot, which I willingly parted with 
to ranfom myself out of his clutches; for he 
was the moft proud imperious Barbarian that I 
met with in all my Marches. The people here at 
this time feemed prepared for some extraordi- 
nary Solemnity ; for the men and the women of 
better fort had decked themfelves very fine 
with pieces of bright copper in their hair and 
ears, and about their arms and neck, which 
upon Feftival occafions they ufe as an extraordi- 
nary bravery, by which it mould feem this 
Country is not without rich Mines of Copper. 
But I durft not ftay to inform myfelf further in 
it, being jealous of fome fudden mifchief to- 



From Virginia through the Carolinas. 165 

wards me from Ka/kous, his nature being 
bloudy, and provoked upon any flight occafion. 
Therefore leaving Katearas, I travelled 
through the Woods until the fixteenth, upon 
which I came to Kawitziokan, an Indian town 
upon a branch of Rorenoke river, which here I 
paffed over, continuing my journey to Menchce- 
rinck, and on the feventeenth departing from 
thence I lay all night in the Woods, and the 
next morning, betimes, going by Natoway, I 
reached that evening Apamatuck in Virginia, 
where I was not a little overjoyed to fee Chrif- 
tian faces again. 




The Third and Laft Expedition, 

From the Falls of Rappahanock River in Vir- 
ginia, (due Weft) to the top of the Apalatcen 
Mountains. 

(~\$ the twentieth of Auguft, 1670, Col. Cat- 
^-^ lei, of Virginia and myfelf, with nine 
Engiifh Horfe, and five Indians on foot, departed 
from the houfe of one Robert Talifer, and that 
night reached the falls of Rappahanock river, in 
Indian Mantepeuck: 

The next day we paffed it over where it di- 
vides into two branches North and South, keep- 
ing the main branch North of us. 

The three and twentieth we found it so (hal- 
low, that it onely wet our horfes hoofs. 

The four and twentieth we travelled thorow 
the Savance amongft vaft herds of Red and 
Fallow Deer which ftood gazing at us ; and a 
little after we came to the promontories or Spurs 
of the Apalatcen Mountains. 



From Virginia through the Carolinas. 167 

Thefe Savance are low grounds at the foot of 
the Apalatosns, which all the Winter, Spring, and 
part of Summer, lie under fnow or water, when 
the fnow is diffolved, which falls down from the 
Mountains commonly about the beginning of 
June; and then their verdure is wonderful pleas- 
ant to the eye, efpecially of fuch as having trav- 
elled through the (hade of the vaft Foreft, come 
out of a melancholy darkneff of a hidden, into a 
clear and open fkie. 

To heighten the beauty of thefe parts the firft 
Springs of moft of thofe great Rivers which run 
into the Atlantick ocean, or Che/eapeack Bay, do 
here break out, and in various branches inter- 
lace the flowry Meads, whofe luxurious herbage 
invites numerous herds of Red Deer (for their 
unufual largeneff improperly termed Elks by 
ignorant people) to feed. The right Elk, though 
very common in New Scotland, Canada, and 
thofe Northern parts, is never feen on this fide 
of the Continent ; for that which the Virginians 
call Elks, does not at all differ from the Red 
Deer of Europe, but in his dimenfions, which are 
far greater ; but yet the Elk in bigneff does not 
far exceed them ; their heads or horns are not 
very different ; but the neck of the Elk is so 
fhort that it hardly feparates the head from the 
fhoulders; which is the reafon that they cannot 
feed upon level ground but by falling on their 
knees, though their heads be a yard long; 



168 John Lederer's Journey 

therefore they commonly either broufe upon 
trees, or (landing up to the belly in ponds or 
rivers feed upon the banks ; their Cingies or tails 
are hardly three inches long. I have been told 
by a New England gentleman that the lips and 
noftrils of this creature is the moft delicious 
meat he ever tafted. As for the Red Deer we 
here treat of, I cannot difference the tafte of 
their flefh from thofe in Eurojie. 

The fixth and twentieth of Auguft we came to 
the Mountains, where finding no horfe-way up, 
we alighted, and left our horfes with two or 
three Indians below, whilft we went up afoot. 
The afcent was so fteep, the cold so intense, and 
we so tired, that having with much ado gained 
the top of one of the higheft, we drank the 
King's health in Brandy, gave the Mountain his 
name, and agreed to return back again, having 
no encouragement from that profpect to proceed 
to a further difcovery ; fmce from hence we faw 
another Mountain, bearing North and by Weft 
to us, of a prodigious height ; for according to 
an observation of the diftance taken by Col. 
Catlet, it could not be leff than filty leagues from 
the place we ftood upon. 

Here was I ftung in my deep by a Mountain 
fpider ; and had not an Indian suckt out the 
poyfon I had died, for receiving the hurt at the 
tip of one of my fingers, the venome (hot up im- 
mediately into my fhoulder, and so inflamed my 



From Virginia through the Carolinas. 169 

fide that it is not poffible to expreff my torment. 
The means ufed by my phyfician, was firft a 
fmall dofe of make-root powder, which I took 
in a little water ; and then making a kinde of 
Plaifter of the fame, applied it neer to the part 
affected ; when he had done so, he fwalloed fome 
by way of Antidote himfelf, and fuckt my finger's 
end so violently that I felt the venome retire 
back from my lide into my moulder, and from 
thence down my arm ; having thus fucked half a 
fcore of times, and fpit as often. I was eased of 
all my pain, and perfectly recovered. I thought 
I had been bit by a Rattlemake, for I saw not 
what hurt me; but the Indian found by the 
wound, and the effects of it, that it was given by 
a fpider, one of which he (hewed me the next 
day ; it is not unlike our great blue fpider, only 
it is fome what longer. I suppose the nature of 
his poysen to be much like that of the taran- 
tula. 

I being thus beyond my hopes and expectation 
reftored to myself, we unanimously agreed to 
return back, seeing no poffibility of passing 
through the Mountains, and finding our Indians 
with our horses in the place where we left them, 
we rode homeward without making any (urther 
discovery. 



170 John Lederer's Journey 

Conjectures of the Land Beyond 
the Apalataen Mountains. 

They are certainly in a great erronr, who imag- 
ine that the Continent of North America is but 
eight or ten days journey over from the Atlantick 
to the Indian Ocean, which all reasonable men 
muft acknowledge, if they consider that Sir 
Francis Drake kept a West Northwest course 
from Cape Mendocmo to California. Neverthe- 
less, by what I gathered from the flranger Indians 
at Akenatzy of their Voyage by Sea to the very 
mountains from a far distant Northwest Coun- 
try, I am brought over to their opinion who think 
that the Indian Ocean does stretch an Arm or 
Bay from California into the Continent as far as 
the Apalatcen Mountains, anfwerable to the 
Gulfs of Florida and Mexico on this fide. Yet I 
am far from believing with fome that fuch great 
and Navigable Rivers are to be found on the 
other fide the Apalatams falling into the Indian 
Ocean, as those which run from them to the 
Eaftward. My firft reafon is derived from the 
knowledge and experience we already have of 
South America, whose Andes send the greatest 
Rivers in the world (as the Amazones and Rio 
de la Plata, &c.,) into the Atlantick, but none at 
all into the Pacifique Sea. Another argument 



From Virginia through the Carolinas. 171 

is that all our water-fowl which delight in Lakes 
and Rivers, as Swans, Geefe, Ducks, &c, come 
over the Mountains from the Lake of Canada, 
when it is frozen over every winter, to our frefh 
Rivers which they would never do, could they 
finde any on the other fide of the Apalatcens. 

Inftructions to fuch as fhall march upon Dicov- 
eries into the North American Continent. 

' I 'WO breaches there are in the Apalatoen 
J- Mountains, opening a paffage into the 
Weftern parts of the Continent. One, as I am 
informed by Indians, at a place called Zynodoa, 
to the Norward ; the other at Sara, where I have 
been myfelf, but the way thither being thorow a 
vaft Foreft, where you feldom fall into any 
Road or Path, you muft fhape your courfe by 
a Compass ; though fome, for want of one, have 
taken their direction from the North fide of the 
trees which is diftinguifhed from the reft by 
quantities of thick moss growing there. You 
will not meet with many hindrances on horfe- 
back in your passage to the Mountains, but 
where your courfe is interrupted by branches of 
the great Rivers, which in many places are not 
Fordable ; and therefore if you be unprovided of 
means or ftrength to make a bridge by felling 
trees across, you may be forced to go a great 



172 John Lederer's Journey 

way about ; in this refpect company is neces- 
sary, but in others so inconvenient that I would 
not advise above half a dozen, or ten at the 
nioft, -to travel together; and of these the 
major part Indians ; for the Nations in your way 
are prone to jealoufie and mischief towards 
Chriftians in a considerable Body, and as courte- 
ous and hearty to a few, from whom they appre- 
hend no danger. 

When you paff thorow an even, level country, 
where you can take no particular remarks from 
hill or waters to guide yourfelf by when you 
come back, you muft not forget to notch the 
trees as you go along with your fmall hatchet, 
that in your return you may know when you 
fall into the same way which you went. By this 
means you will be certain of the place you are 
in, and may govern your courfe homeward ac- 
cordingly, 

In ftead of Bread I ufed the meal of parched 
Mayz, i. e. Indian Wheat, which when I eat, I 
feafoned with a little Salt. This is both more 
portable and ftrengthning than Bifcuit, and will 
fuffer no mouldiness by any weather. For other 
provifions you may fecurely truft to your Gun, 
the Woods being full of Fallow, and Savance of 
Red Deer, besides great variety of excellent 
Fowl, as wild Turkeys, Pigeons, Partridges, 
Pheafants, &c. But you muft not forget to dry or 
barbecue fome of thefe before you come to the 



From Virginia through the Carolinas. 173 

Mountains, for upon them you will meet with 
no Game, except a few. Bears. 

Such as cannot lie on the ground, muft be 
provided with light Hamacks, which hung in 
the trees, are more cool and pleafant then any 
bed whatfoever. 

The Order and Difcipline to be obferved in 
this Expedition is, that an Indian fcout or two 
march as far before the reft of the company as 
they can in fight, both for the finding out pro- 
vifion and difcovery of Ambufhes if any 
fhould be laid by Enemies. Let your other 
Indians keep on the right and left hand, armed 
not onely with Guns, but Bills and Hatchets, to 
build fmall Arbours or Cottages of boughs and 
bark of trees to fhelter and defend you from 
the injuries of the weather. At nights it is ne- 
ceffary to make great Fires round about the 
place where you take up your lodging, as well 
to fcare Wilde Beafts away as to purine the 
air. Neither must you fail to go the Round at 
the close of the evening, for then and betimes in 
the morning, the Indians put all their designes 
in execution ; in the night they never attempt 
anything. 

When in the remote parts you draw near to an 
Indian Town you muft by your fcouts inform 
yourself whether they hold any correfpondence 
with the Safquefahanaughs ■ for to fuch you 
muft give notice of your approach by a Gun ; 



174 John Lederer's Journey 

which amongft other Indians is to be avoided, 
becaufe being ignorant of their ufe, it would 
affright and difpose them to fome treacherous 
practice againfl you. 

Being arrived at a Town, enter no houfe until 
you are invited, and then feem not afraid to be 
led in pinion'd like a prifoner ; for that is a Cere- 
mony they use to friends and enemies without 
distinction. 

You muft accept of an invitation from the 
Seniors before that of young men, and relufe 
nothing that is offered or fet afore you, for they 
are very jealous and fenfible of the leaft flighting 
or neglect from ftrangers, and mindful of Re- 
venge. 



From Virginia through the Carolinas. 175 



Touching Trade with Indians. 



I"F you barely defigne a Home Trade with 
■*■ neighbour Indians, for fkins of Deer, 
Beaver, Otter, Wild Cat, Fox, Racoon, &c, your 
beft truck is a fort of courfe Trading Cloth, of 
which a yard and a half makes a matchcoat or 
Mantle fit for their wear ; as also Axes, Hoes, 
Knives, Sizars, and all forts of edg'd tools, Guns, 
Powder and Shot, &c, are Commodities they 
will greedily barter for; but to fupply the 
Indians with Arms and Ammunition is prohibi- 
ted in all Englifh Governments. 

In dealing with the Indians you muft be posi- 
tive and at a word ; for if they persuade you to 
fall anything in your price they will spend time 
in higgling for further abatements, and seldom 
conclude any Bargain. Sometimes you may 
with Brandy or Strong liquor difpose them to 
an humour of giving you ten times the value of 
your Commodities ; and at other times they are 
so hide bound that they will not offer half the 
Market price, efpecially if they be aware that 
you have a designe to circumvent them with 
drink, or that they think you have a desire to 



176 John Lederer's Journey 

their goods, which you muft feem to flight or 
difparage. 

To the remoter Indians you must carry other 
kind of truck, as fmall looking glaffes, Pictures, 
Beads and Bracelets of glaff, Knives, Sizars, and 
all manner of gaudy toys and knacks for chil- 
dren, which are light and portable. For they 
are apt to admire fuch trinkets, and will pur- 
chafe them at any rate, either with their cur- 
rant Coyn of fmall fhells, which they call Roan- 
oack or Peack, or perhaps with Pearl, Vermilion, 
pieces of Chriftal, and towards UJ/iery, with 
fome odd pieces of Plate or Buillon, which they 
fometimes receive in Truck from the Oe/iaeks. 

Could I have forefeen when I set out the ad- 
vantages to be made by a Trade with these re- 
mote Indians I had gone better provided; 
though perhaps I might have run a great haz- 
ard of my life had I purchased confiderably 
amongft them, by carrying wealth unguarded 
through so many different Nations of barbarous 
people ; therefore it is vain for any man to pro 
pofe to himself or undertake a trade at that 
diftance, unleff he goes with flrength to defend 
as well as an Adventure to purchafe fuch com- 
modities ; for in fuch a defigne many ought to 
joyn and go in company. 

Some pieces of filver unwrought I purchafed 
myself of the Tl/heries, for no other end then to 
juftifie this account I give of my Second Expe- 



From Virginia through the Carolinas.Yll 

dition, which had not determined at TJJhery, 
were I accompanied with half a fcore resolute 
youths that would have ftuck to me in a further 
discovery towards the Spanifh Mines. 



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